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Benjamin FRANKLIN (1706-1790)
The following timeline includes excerpts published with consent from Independence Hall Association (IHA)
In an attempt to view Benjamin Franklin's life in relation to Postal Packet history, this timeline necessarily includes references to Freemasonry and Postal administration in England and North America. Judging by some of the dates and Franklin's excellent contacts, we can deduce these subjects are not necessarily unrelated.
A review of the role of the mason's in American History reveals the influential role of the Free and Associated Masons in our history.
The research quickly demonstrates the importance of the lodges from the time of the revolution.
The Committees of Public Safety and Correspondence were critical in the organization of the American Revolution.
These committees carried out their activities in Masonic code.
Samuel Adams's lodge was the home base of the "Indians" of the Boston Tea Party.
Ben Franklin, along with Otis of Connecticut, was the "Founding Father" of the American Blue Lodges.
Franklin's financial connections in the publishing trade led to important alliances with Huguenot, Dutch and English Freemasons. (Franklin's printing empire included 37 newspapers).
The secret private loans made by the French to George Washington, at a critical time, were underwritten by the Masonic connection. These loans kept the revolution alive.
In Washing ton's Army the battlefield lodges were vital in the War for Independence.
After the war, the patriotic lodges were a major source of political and business connections.
The George Washington Lodge, near DC and Franklin's Philadelphia lodge represent a long republican tradition and contain many documents vital to our history.
The influence of Freemasons has shaped American Political thought more than any other element.
"The postal connection to Masons is via the publishing business - information, newspapers depended on the post - the Internet of it's time - The Dutch printers* and Franklin's media empire were Masonic in their desire to spread the word of the enlightenment......
The Post Office and Publishing were critical to modernization, information and political action.
The Clubs formed the core of political networks until the coming of mass media. " [ Dr. Peter E. Pflaum, 26 Dec. 2000 ]
[* Franklin's travels to Europe in 1761 included visits to (unnamed) friends in Holland.]
Communications between Franklin and his former colleagues at the Post Office in London, while he was in France (Passy) and negotiating the terms of the peace Treaty of Paris may prove particularly interesting.... Let's see!
"Coaxing the French to support the patriot cause proved more difficult than Franklin had imagined. First of all, he had to contend with an extensive British espionage network, which attempted to uncover Benjamin's diplomatic plan and foil its execution. In fact, one of Franklin's own secretaries was covertly employed by the British Crown, informing the English of the American delegation's every move."
[The above is stated in " The French American" and, I think, bears some examination, as it seems relevant to know the extent to which Franklin was able to rely upon information from his own 'network' - ]
Benjamin Franklin - references in Post Office Archives, London, include:
POST 58/1 "Orders" 1737-1771 Page 180.
POST 58/33 "Commission Book" 1759-1854 Pages 23, 26, 53, 69, 79.
POST 48/4 "American Letter Book" 1773-1783 15,48-50, 65-66, 300-302, 308, 313-320, 322-328
Ref 1/17 PO Paper of Le Despencer * 1953 by Betty Kemp. See p.42-44 * originals in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
1706
Born 17 January 1706, in Boston, New England, to English parents.* ("The youngest Son of the youngest Son for five Generations").
Christened in the Old Church, Boston, he was named Benjamin after a favourite uncle who was still in England.
* Benjamin Franklin later wrote: "From Wellingborough we went to Ecton [Northamtonshire], about three or four miles, being the village where my father was born, and where his father, grandfather, and great grandfather had lived.."
"Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children into New England, about 1682,... where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife he had four children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England." [Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, Ed.by Oral Sumner Coad, Macmillan, 1927 (p.6)]
"When Josiah Franklin established himself in Boston he had three children, born at Banbury, in Oxfordshire. After the birth of four others, his first wife died. He then married Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, of Nantucket, probably in the early part of the year 1690. By this marriage he had ten children, making seventeen in the whole; ten sons and seven daughters. BENJAMIN was the youngest son, and the fifteenth child, his sisters Lydia and Jane being younger." [qf. Life of Benjamin Franklin, by Jared Sparks (Appendix I) Electric Franklin ]
1714 Grammar School
I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his.
1715 Change of school
Josiah altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it.
The first Mason reporting informal Masonic Meetings in America was, in 1715, John Moore, Collector of the Port of Philadelphia,  who wrote in a letter that he had " spent a few evenings of Masonic festivity with my Masonic Brethren". [Qf. Pennsylvania Masonic History].
[A much earlier reference to N. American freemasons seems questionable, but: " Alexander Lovell (married 30 Oct 1658) "may have been a son of Robert Lovell who was admitted a freemason in 1635 in Roxbury, MA." ]
1716-1718 Aged 10, Benjamin was taken from school to help his father, a tallow-chandler & soap boiler.
"I was employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc. I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father declared against it."
Reflecting on his upbringing, Franklin tell his son, "[Josiah] turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table. I was bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in travelling."
[Whilst noting everyone and everything of interest during his journeys, little did he refer to food, other than to 'pudding' and 'bait' !(1785)]
"I continued thus employed in my father's business for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old; and my brother John, who was bred to that [tallow] business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island.
[His brother John; was he born to Josiah's first wife?]
1717 Four Lodges of Freemasons meeting in London, formed the first Grand Lodge in England.
This first Grand Lodge chartered Symbolic Lodges and Provincial Grand Lodges in many countries, including [America] the United States.
1718 Apprenticed printer
Aged 12, Benjamin was apprenticed to his brother James, a (London trained) printer.
"In 1717 my brother James returned from England with a press and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended effect of such an inclination, my father was impatient to have me bound to my brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman's wages during the last year."
1719 Access to better books
"Often I sat up in my room reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted." "An ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother, thinking it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on composing occasional ballads. One was called The Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account of the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters."
1720: Typesetting - Benjamin set the type to print 200-300 copies, which he then delivered to subscribers' homes.
James Franklin started a newspaper, the New England Courant. Several of his friends contributed articles to it.[Causing howls of complaints]
Samuel Mather called the Couranteers "the Hell-Fire Club of Boston," but, actually, Cotton Mather had first dubbed the Couranteers an impious club (though he did not use the name "Hell-Fire Club") in the 28 August 1721 BNL
James must have been employing at least one journeyman printer and another apprentice in addition to his sixteen-year-old brother, who by now could work as well as a journeyman printer. LeMay
1721-22 Contributor - Benjamin submits articles which were published under the pseudonym of "Silence Dogood"
From 2 April to 8 October, Benjamin wrote 14 "Silence Dogood" essays, America's first essay series, in the New England Courant
[He later disclosed the true identity of the writer to his brother, James.]
1721 Editor - Benjamin edits the New England Courant;
[Freedom of the Press was a long time coming!]
LeMay says: Joshua Blanchard recorded in his annals: "In 1722: About this time there was great disputing about prerogative and liberty and property the Rich oppress the poor complain." Assessing the political turmoil of these years, Thomas Hutchinson wrote: " The minds of the people were prepared for impressions from pamphlets, courants, and other newspapers, which were frequently published, in order to convince them, that their civil liberties and privileges were struck at" (Hutchinson, 2:124.)
1722 Vegetarian
After reading Thomas Tryon's Way to Health, Wealth, and Happiness. aged 16, Benjamin Franklin took up vegetarianism, until he realised fish ate smaller fish! [Autobiography]
1723 Boston - Philadelphia
Under 18, Franklin ran away, from Boston to New York, on a sloop... whence he ate fried Cod!
New York contained fewer than 8,000 inhabitants, mostly Dutch*, and but one printing-office. With no work available, William Bradford referred him to his son, a printer, in Philadelphia, one hundred miles south of New York. There Franklin met Sir William Keith, Governor of Pennsylvania, who promised him all the government print work of Pennsylvania and Delaware..
[*The Dutch colony of Nieuwe Amsterdam was founded in 1623 and ceded to the English in 1664]
1724 Amends & excitement
In April 1724, Franklin made a 14-day journey in a leaking boat back to Boston, where he impressed his parents with his dress, "pockets full of silver, and a handsome watch." Despite Sir Keith's letter, Josiah Franklin, would not help to set Benjamin up in business, replying to Sir Keith, "If he will return to Philadelphia and work diligently until he is twenty-one, carefully laying up his surplus earnings, then I will do everything in my power to help him." [Tomkinson, p,31]
On his return passage to Philadelphia, Benjamin went ashore at Newport, R.I., to see his brother John, and, through the captain of the ship from Boston, Franklin was introduced to the Governor of New York, William Burnett, "an ardent lover of books." On his arrival at Philadelphia, and after reading the response from his father, Governor Keith said he would set Franklin up in business himself. He induced Franklin to buy printing equipment in England, the inventory of the goods required came to £100. Franklin was bound to secrecy by Sir Keith, lest Keimer should hear of the plan.
Together with three friends (Watson, Osborne & Ralph)  Franklin formed a literary club while he waited almost six months* to sail in the Annis from New York. He left on November 5th and arrived in London on December 14th, 1724. Before departing, he became engaged to Deborah Read.[see marriage, in 1730].
*Annis: A vessel which sailed once a year from Philadelphia." [Tomkinson, p.34]
1725-26 Franklin's first visit to England [1]
Franklin's lodged at Little Britain, and, being without any money promised by Governor Keith, worked for Palmer's printing-house, at Bartholomew Close. London. There, he wrote the first of several pamphlets, attracting the attention of notable characters and their society friends. Whilst in London, he arranged to borrow and return books from a neighbouring secondhand bookshop, a concept which led to his creating, in 1731, the first Circulating Library, in Philadelphia. Within the year, 1725, he obtained a better position, working at Watt's printing-house, in Lincoln's Inn Fields. [See the 19 year old's Plan of Conduct.]
[Was Franklin first introduced to Freemasonry, in the printing fraternity, while in London?]
1726 Return to Philadelphia
Delayed by strong westerly winds, the Berkshire put into Spithead. " The place where the fleets commonly anchor, and is a very good riding place." Franklin describes Portsmouth, Gosport and Cowes, Newport, Isle of Wight, Carisbrooke Castle, Yarmouth, (oysters & mud!) eventually sailing from England, last sighting the Lizard on 8 August, 1726. [Interesting extracts summarised on these pages]
---------------------------
Whilst in London, Franklin had promised to work as a clerk for Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant he had met on passage to England on the Annis, when he warned Franklin not to rely on Governor Keith. When they returned to New York together on the Berkshire, Franklin found Miss Read had married and Keimer had plenty of new type. Franklin worked at Denham's store in Philadelphia, from November 1726 until February 1727. Both were taken ill. Franklin recovered from his pleurosy"after some weeks," but Denham died.
Along the lines of the Literary Club (see 1724), Franklin started, in late 1726, a Society called the "Junto", or Leather-apron Club."
The ten Members met every Friday evening, answering and debating 24 questions aired at each session.
1727 Print-house manager
Franklin accepted the post of manager at Keimer's printing-house, in Philadelphia, with five men under him. There he cast new type, "hitherto brought from England, there being no letter-foundry in America." [Tomkinson p.43] "We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer's [Jewish] Sabbath."
+++ "The underlining ideas of republican government among liberals and deists in the 18th century were structured by the "rationalism" of Masonic thought and ritual. It seems to me impossible to grasp the concept of the American Republic in the 18th century without understanding the development of this intellectual tradition." [The deist use of logic, not (Christian) faith. (Pflaum, Dec. 2000) ]
+++ " "Important parts of American History cannot be understood without knowledge of the Freemasons. The question I ask is -- " why is it not there in our Textbooks and in the area of general knowledge like any other aspect in our history?" One does not have to believe in Masonic conspiracies in the past or present. The role of the lodges has been almost all for the good.""
+++ "The link with France, which many say saved the revolutionary cause, the Committees of Public Safety and Correspondence, who organized the psychological war against England were Masons to the core."
[qf. Peter E. Pflaum Ph.D. 1994 letter to Richard Snow, American Heritage, Forbes Editor, including a copy of his letter to Professor Mike Carnes, from which the above is quoted.]
Aged 21, Franklin determined to start his own printing-office with Hugh Meredith: "I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants' Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford." Keimer begged Franklin to return to make the first copperplate press to print paper money for New Jersey. He thus became known to members of the Assembly on the Inspection Committees in Burlington. His conversation showed the Committee at Jersey that he was something more than an ordinary printer, and they invited him to their houses. But for this work, "he would probably never have attracted the attention of so many superiors." [Tomkinson p.45]
1728 Print-house proprietor
Franklin & Meredith's press arrived from England. Their first business was introduced to them by George House, a member of Junto Club. It was worth five shillings. "Coming so seasonably, it gave us more pleasure than any money I have since earned, " said Franklin.
1729 Newspaper owner/editor
As proprietor and editor, Franklin attracted claims of offending someone in power whom he had critcised, but was unmoved. Anonymously writing " The Nature and Necessity of a paper Currency," which impressed the Assembly, Franklin was employed to provide the new supply. He even made his own ink. After buying out his partner, he started a stationer's shop where he sold books, and inks. [ Paper Currency]
1730 Marriage 
Franklin married Deborah Read, his Philadelphian love of 1724.. "I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended, she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. "
Daily Routine
Franklin rose at 5 a.m., and, after saying his prayers, mapped out his work for the day, and studied for an hour and a half, before going to the printing office (8 a.m. to 6 p.m.). The evenings he spent in study or conversation till ten o'clock, when he retired to bed. [qf.Tomkinson (p.52)]
1730
The first printed reference to Masonic Lodges in Pennsylvania appeared in The Pennsylvania Gazette, of December 8, 1730, its editor, Benjamin Franklin ("not yet a Mason") refers to "several Lodges of Freemasons" having been "Erected in this Province".
In 1730 the meeting place of masons was at the Tun Tavern on the east side of what was known as King Street, between Chestnut and Walnut Streets, Philadelphia. Later there were other early Masonic meeting places in Philadelphia, at Indian King Tavern (1735); Royal Standard Tavern, High Street near Second Street (1749).
Daniel Coxe was the first Provincial Grand Master in America. He was appointed in 1730 for New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, by the Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of England. The first native-born American to become a Mason was Jonathan Belcher, who became Governor of Massachusetts in 1730, according to a letter he wrote to the "First" Lodge of Boston in 1741 stating that he had been made a Mason in 1704 in London. [Qf. Q&A Grand Lodge PA]
Q. How and when did Freemasonry first come to America? Is there any direct association with Trinity House (established 1535) ?
A. "FREEMASONRY CAME TO AMERICA WITH CAPT. JOHN SMITH IN 1607." [qf. George V. Trudhope - 15pages. (195? Reprinted 1993)]
"Over the course of his long and illustrious career, Franklin was initiated into the highest covens of the Order, in Europe as well as in America. His mentors included members of the Royal Society and the notorious and sexually promiscuous “Hell-Fire” clubs in England, and also the Neuf Soeurs in France. He developed extensive contacts within both the Hanoverian and the Stewart-Jacobean branches of the Lodge, and thus Franklin's inside-knowledge became as profound as his influence.
1731 Public Subscription Library
"Before Franklin's death, there were 5,487, and, by 1861, 70,000 books in the Philadelphia Library" [Tomkinson (p.52)]
1732 Almanac & Maxims
Franklin began to teach himself French and Italian, then Spanish and Latin. He published an Almanac, under the name of Richard Saunders. "Poor Richard" appeared every January for twenty-five years, and was translated into French, Spanish and modern Greek.
The Almanac contained maxims for which Franklin is to be thanked, such as;
 " It is hard for an empty sack to stand upright" and,
 " Tongue double, brings trouble." and
"Whate'er's begun in anger, ends in shame."
1733
The first Masonic Lodge in North America was founded in Boston, in 1733. [Check - see 1730, Franklin's Penn. Gaz. statement]
1734 Masonic printer
Franklin prints the first Masonic 'Bible' in America, "for the Use of the Brethren in North America"
The " Constitutions of the Free-Masons" was a reprint of Anderson's Constitutions , published (in England) in 1723. [Qf. Q&A Grand Lodge PA]
1734 Grand Master
Benjamin Franklin was appointed Grand Master (Philadelphia)
[Q. On which date was he made a Mason?]
1735
The Indian King Tavern had become one of the Masonic meeting places in Philadelphia
1736 General Assembly
Franklin's first appearance in public life was as Clerk of the General Assembly of Pennsylvania
1737 Postmaster
While Postmaster of Philadelphia, the printer, William. Bradford  had not been regular in his accounts. The appointment was offered to Benjamin Franklin, which he accepted, in 1737. As Postmaster of Philadelphia, Franklin reported to Elliot Benger, then sole PMG of North America. The joint British Postmasters-General were then ;
Edward Carteret, from1720-1739, and, Lord Lovell *(Earl of Leicester) office from 1733-1759.
[* was he related to packet captains Lovell? )
Franklin started "improving the constables at night" - a scheme soon better policing Philadelphia.
He formed the Union Fire Company, whose members kept buckets, bags and baskets ready. Members' non-attendance fines [a la masonry] paid for buying engines & ladders to equip the city.
1744 Plain Truth
Rumours of a war prevented him establishing an "Academy for the education of the young." But, in 1744, he established a Philosophical Society. "There was no-one who devoted his talents and his generosity to the public good as he did." [Tonkinson, E. M., Benj. Franklin, p.60 (1889)]
Noting how defenseless Philadelphia was, Franklin wrote a pamphlet called "Plain Truth" - alerting his fellow countrymen to the risks of French and Indian attacks on the English colonies in America. He urged unity & militia training. Franklin was chosen Colonel of the Philadelphia regiment, but he declined the offer. About then he designed the Franklin Stove, declining to take out a patent for it.
1749 Assembly Representative
When peace was restored (in Europe) Franklin saw the opening of the free Academy.
He was appointed Justice of the Peace, Common Councilman, and Alderman. When he was chosen to represent the Philadelphia citizens in the Assembly, his son William was appointed Clerk in his place.
1750 Lightning Conductor
Franklin's pamphlet on the means of preserving buildings from lightning had, in 1750, been translated into four languages, and, in France, lightning had been safely conducted to earth by means of an iron rod. The author was made a Member of the Royal Society. [1757: "Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city."]
1751 'Love & Honour'
The first Masonic Lodge in Cornwall was formed at Falmouth. One of the founding members was George Bell, son of Col. Joseph Bell, the British Post-Office Comptroller (until 1743). [ 250 years of Cornish Freemasonry is due to be published in 2001]
1751-52 The first Hospital in America
Through the efforts of Benjamin Franklin, the Pennsylvania Hospital opened in Philadelphia on 11 February 1752.. the first hospital in America.
1752 Bingo!
Franklin, after 6 years of experimenting with lightening conductors, used a silk (non-conductor) kite which proved that lightening is electricity.
SCARCE 1806 STONE LITHOGRAPH OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. Approx. 8" x 10.5", with portrait in sunken area approx. 4.5" x 6.5". An extraordinary portrait, set in oval, which bears little resemblance to the common images of Franklin, with small illus. of Franklin conducting his kite electricity experiment below, & "BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, L.L.D." at bottom.
"J. Chapman, sculp." below portrait & "London, Published as the Act directs, May 24th, 1806 by J. Wilkes" below Franklin's name. lt toning in blank margins. Scarce. F $75-100 ]
1752 The Gregorian Calendar
England and her colonies adopted the Gregorian calendar, resulting in 11 days being 'lost' from 3-13 September,1752. Correspondence was previously dated with O.S.(Old Style) and N.S. (New Style) dates; thereafter simply N.S. Dates at the end of December and beginning of January were shown with two years, depending which calendar was referred to. An interesting example, especially of how writers accounted for their respective (numbered) letters, and the time between sending and receiving a response in the late 17th century, is correspondence between Samuel Pepys and his nephew, who was travelling Europe when the Gregorian Calendar was in use on the continent, but not in England.
Writing his autobiography, in 1771, Franklin tell his son that [Uncle] Thomas, "died in 17O2, January 6, old style, just four years to a day before I was born."
1755 George Washington was made a Mason [initiated] on November 4, 1752 in the Lodge at Fredericksburg, Virginia
"He rarely spoke about his religion, but his Freemasonry experience points to a belief in deism. Washington's initiation occurred at the Fredericksburg Lodge on 4 November 1752, later becoming a Master mason in 1799, and remained a freemason until he died."
1753 Deputy PMG, North America
Franklin was appointed Deputy Postmaster-General of North America, joint with Sir William Hunter, Postmaster of Williamsburg. Franklin endeavoured to make this business, hitherto a losing concern, a paying one for Charles II's Government.
"The two worked well, and produced three times as much from the colonies as from Ireland."
1753: George Washington became a Master Mason in 1753.
1754 The English & French engaged in hostilities in America, which led to 7 years of war in Europe.
As soon as it was known war was imminent, Franklin, as Pennsylvania Commissioner to the Colonial Congress, drew up a plan for union of the colonies. [Qf. Snake: "Join or Die" ] In 1754, two years before the outbreak of the Seven Years' War, (in America generally known as the “French and Indian War”), Benjamin Franklin drew up the “Albany Plan” to create a federal union of the Colonies under “one general government. The [English] Crown was to appoint a President General to act as executive officer; 'the people' or their representatives were to appoint members of a Grand Council of Delegates. This central government was to control Indian affairs, declare war and make peace, raise and equip soldiers and levy taxes.” [Qf. John C. Miller, Origins of the American Revolution, Stanford University Press ]
1755
 The Falmouth to New York packet service began in 1754/5 ( Earl of Halifax, John Morris, sailed from Falmouth 13 December, 1754, returning on 6 June, 1755) - the same year that the West Indian route had been reopened. The PMG regarded the New York line as completely new, the feeble efforts of William Warren 45 years earlier were so brief and irregular that they had been forgotten.
 The new route began with "trial vessels" so that the Post-Office would have some idea on which to base a contract. They were to be of 200 tons and the first vessel ( Halifax) was to cost £700 for the round trip. Captain Morris arrived at New York in February 1756.
 Normally the packet-boats remained in New York Harbour about 3 weeks. The voyages were intended to be monthly, but only 4 voyages were made in the first 2 years. [ Carrying British Mail Overseas, Howard Robinson (Allen & Unwin 1964) (pp. 44, 45)]
 General Wall was a packet vessel which completed 12 voyages in 7 years under 3 commanders and was taken 3 times & ransomed for a total of over £3,600. Her service was throughout the Seven Years War (1755-1763) in which the French lost Quebec and several of the West Indian Islands to Britain. (Post 1-9. (p.46): April 21, 1762 - General Wall dismissed, as no longer fit for service.)
1755 Cost of defense
Franklin obtained a grant of £2,000 from the Assembly and liberally subscribed to the Hospital.
May 29, 1755 The Pennsylvania Gazette In Pursuance of an ACT of ASSEMBLY, intitled, An Act to encourage the Establishing of a Hospital for the Relief of the Sick Poor of this province, and for the Reception and Cure of Lunaticks, the following LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS thereto, from the Beginning to this Time, is now published.[including] F: Benjamin Franklin, Joseph Fox and William Franklin.
Franklin joined 550 volunteers to build forts on the North Western Frontier, in December. He pledged his personal property in order that supplies may be raised for Braddock's army. Clearly this was in the belief that he would be repaid. (See 1757 -Autobiography]
1755 Freemasons' Lodge
The first Masonic Hall to be built in Philadelphia, at Norris (or Lodge) Alley.
View
History of the Grand Secretary [Philadelphia]
Thomas Boude Years as RWGS: 1731-1748
Daniel Byles Years as RWGS: 1749 - 1754
History of the Grand Secretary: William Franklin Years as RWGS: 1755-1761, 1763
Birthplace: Philadelphia Lodge: No. 2 Profession: Royal Governor of New Jersey
1756 The Seven Years War
Benjamin Franklin writes that "New York is growing immensely rich by Money brought into it from all Quarters for the Pay and Subsistence of the Troops." See Simpson, Franks, Levy et al. [qf . Exodus to America: A Jewish Timeline ]
"Many of the Scottish and Irish officers serving in the British forces during the Seven Years War (“French & Indian War” of 1754) were members of the Lodge of St. Andrews [Scotland], and they planted Stuart and Jacobite loyalties on North American soil. Not to say such didn't exist already, as demonstrated by the friendship between the Carolina governors and Robert Teach -- alias Blackbeard the Pirate -- who flew the Masonic Skull & Crossbones flag and named his ship the Queen Anne's Revenge."
1756-1762
Proprietaries refused to pay a single penny towards the taxes to provide the means of defense. Franklin stated the "injustice of the owners taking all and giving nothing." He, soon after, accepted (as his duty) Colonel of a regiment of 1,200 men with six brass cannon. The proprietaries were further angered when he was chosen by the Assembly to go as Commissioner to London, and present a petition to the King to do away with the Proprietary rights of Thomas and Richard Penn. They then owned the 26 million acre colony first granted their father, William Penn, (by Charles II) called Pennsylvania.
Although, on April 4th, [1757] he started from Philadelphia, with his son William, for New York, he had to wait there over six weeks before sailing to England to plead the cause of the Assembly v. the Proprietaries. "When at last the 'London packet' [in fact, the Falmouth packet, General Wall - see detailed account of his voyage] was allowed to start with a fleet of 96 sail [for Louisburg], it was 5 days before she was allowed to leave the convoy. Whilst waiting at New York, Franklin observed the difference in the wakes of two vessels. Remembering a quotation from Pliny, he subsequently experimented in England, on Derwent Water and at Clapham, and was surprised to see how far oil would spread on the water. He published a paper explaining "why oil should soothe troubled waters," (wind & surface tension)
A slightly fuller account* states: "Benjamin Franklin, Deputy Postmaster-General for North America, went up to New York Harbour in the Spring of 1757 to make the voyage to Britain on a mail packet. There were three there when he arrived, those that should have left for Falmouth after three weeks having been held back by the military commander, the Earl of Loudoun.
Loudoun regarded the mail boats as dispatch boats for sending home in connection with a proposed expedition to attack the French stronghold of Louisburg on Cape Breton. Franklin arrived in April, and waited over two months before Lord Loudoun permitted one of the packets to leave for England. He was passenger on the General Wall [ Named after an Irishman, Richard Wall, or some years after 1748 Spain's ambassador to England]. Captain Lutwidge sailed from New York on June 25th and made a fast passage. Franklin reported she had gone at the rate of 13 knots; " we were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsailed everything."
"He arrived in Falmouth after a passage of just over three weeks, [check!] and took ten days to reach London; he had stopped to take a look at Stonehenge on the way"
[*Franklin's Autobiographical Writings, ed. Carl Van Doren (1946), pp 745 ft.]
The most interesting, and accurate account of Loudoun's attitude, in Franklin's own words:
On Loudoun: " While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it."
At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," says he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately."
I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "0h, sir," says he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day." [ Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin]
1757
Lighthouses: Tomkinson tells us (p.74) "In a thick fog, at about midnight, when the captain and most of the passengers were asleep, the fog suddenly lifted and Franklin saw the lighthouse [The Lizard, first built in 1619, 20 miles south of the entrance to Falmouth Harbour] which told of danger within a few rods of them. Among the passengers was a captain [Kennedy] of the Royal Navy, who fortunately was on deck; without a moment's hesitation he sprang to the helm, and shouted to the sailors to wear ship; in other words, to turn her round, and so, at the risk of snapping every mast, he saved the vessel and the people on board." [Franklin's own account does NOT suggest there was fog at midnight]
Tomkinson adds: "Franklin knew that there was not a single lighthouse on the American coast* and he was so deeply impressed by this narrow escape, that he made up his mind to have the shores protected when he returned. "
This seems at odds with facts which must have then been known to Franklin.
For example in 1752 the construction of Sambro Lighthouse commenced, it was completed in 1759, and well-positioned off Halifax Harbour. He may well have been instrumental in having the new lighthouse built at Sandy Hook, off New York, which went into service in 1764, two years after his safe return to America.
1757 Arrives in London July 26 and stays with Peter Collinson; sees Lord Granville, president of Privy Council, who alarms Franklin with his claim that King is supreme legislator of colonies. Takes lodgings on July 30 at No. 7 Craven Street with Mrs. Margaret Stevenson, widow with whom he thereafter makes his home in England. Meets with Proprietors Richard and Thomas Penn in August, giving them list of grievances. [ Leman]
1758 Banbury, with William
My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton [Northamptonshire, on a freehold of about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business] till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758.
At Wellingborough he found a Mrs. Fisher, the only daughter of Thomas Franklin, his father's eldest brother, advanced in years, but in good circumstances. "From Wellingborough," he says, we went to Ecton, about three or four miles, being the village where my father was born, and where his father, grandfather, and great grandfather had lived, and how many of the family before them we know not. We went first to see the old house and grounds ; they came to Mr. Fisher with his wife, and, after letting them for some years, finding his rent something ill paid, he sold them. The land is now added to another farm, and a school kept in the house. It is a decayed old stone building, but still known by the name of Franklin House. Thence we went to visit the rector of the parish, who lives close by the church, a very ancient building. He entertained us very kindly, and showed us the old church register, in which were the births, marriages, and burials of our ancestors for two hundred years, as early as his book began. His wife, a good-natured, chatty old lady, (granddaughter of the famous Arch deacon Palmer, who formerly had that parish and lived there,) remembered a great deal about the family; carried us out into the churchyard, and showed us several of their gravestones, which were so covered with moss, that we could not read the letters, till she ordered a hard brush and basin of water, with which Peter scoured them clean, and then Billy copied them. She entertained and diverted us highly with stories of Thomas Franklin, Mrs. Fisher's father, who was a convincer, something of a lawyer, clerk of the county courts, and clerk to the Archdeacon in his visitations; a very leading man in all county affairs, and much employed in public business.
[1757- 1762 Franklin was sent to England [2] by the Pennsylvania Assembly to petition the king for the right to levy taxes on proprietary lands. After completing his mission, he remained in England for five years as the chief representative of the American colonies. During this period he made friends with many prominent Englishmen, including the chemist and clergyman Joseph Priestley, the philosopher and historian David Hume*, and the philosopher and economist Adam Smith. Franklin returned to Philadelphia in 1762, where he remained until 1764, when he was once again dispatched to England as the agent of Pennsylvania. [qf. http://www.ideafinder.com/history/inventors/franklin.htm ]
1758  Franklin establishes routine of club attendance that lasts throughout years in England. On Mondays often dines at George and Vulture with group of scientists, philanthropists, and explorers, including John Ellicot and, occasionally, Captain James Cook. [ See 1778/9]
Thursdays, usually dines with favorite group, Club of Honest Whigs, at St. Paul's Coffeehouse; members include John Canton, Richard Price, Joseph Priestley, James Burgh, William Rose, Andrew Kippis, and, occasionally, James Boswell. Sundays, frequently dines with Sir John Pringle, who gradually displaces printer William Strahan as closest friend in England; Alexander Small and David Hume are often guests. [ Lemay]
1759 Franklin receives honorary degree of Doctor of Laws in absentia from University of St. Andrews in Scotland, February 12; hereafter referred to as "Dr. Franklin." Reports to Joseph Galloway April 7 that Richard Jackson, Englishman who later served as agent of Pennsylvania Assembly in London and then became friend of America in Parliament, proposed to get him elected to Parliament, "but I am too old to think of changing Countries." Takes extensive tour of northern England and Scotland, August 8-November 2, meeting Adam Smith, William Robertson, and Lord Karnes.
[1760? George II died; his grandson was crowned  George III ]
1761 In the summer (Aug-Sept.), Franklin travelled his son, William and Richard Jackson, through Flanders and Holland, [Austrian Netherlands and Dutch Republic] visiting the large cities, and returning in time to be present at the coronation of George III, on 22 September. [CHECK : Details of routes and vessels for their passage(s)?]
1762 Returns with Honours
Franklin received honorary degrees from Oxford, (30 April, 1762), St. Andrews (in absentia, 12 Feb., 1759) and Edinburgh before he returned to America in 1762.[Edinburgh has the oldest Masonic Lodge in Britain]
[Harvard & Yale bestowed M.A.'s upon him "for his discoveries and improvements in the electric branch of natural philosophy."]
Franklin's son William married Elizabeth Downes, on September 4 in London.
On September 9, a few days before he sailed, his son was appointed governor of New Jersey, although the appointment was not publicly announced till some time afterwards. It is evident from this act of the ministry, that they had then conceived no prejudice against the father, on account of the part he had taken in the Pennsylvania controversy.
Dr. Franklin sailed from England, having resided there more than five years. In a letter, dated at Portsmouth on the 17th of that month, [September] bidding farewell to Lord Kames, he said; "I am now waiting here only for a wind to waft me to America, but cannot leave this happy island and my friends in it without extreme regret, though I am going to a country and a people that I love. I am going from the old world to the new ; and I fancy I feel like those, who are leaving this world for the next; grief at the parting; fear of the passage; hope of the future." He arrived at Philadelphia on the 1st of November. The fleet, in which he took passage, under the convoy of, a man-of-war, touched at Madeira, and was detained there a few days. They were kindly received and entertained by the inhabitants, on account of the protection afforded them by the English fleet against the united invasion of France and Spain. Not long after his return to Philadelphia, he wrote to Mr. Richard Jackson a full account of the island of Madeira, its population, soil, climate, and productions: but the letter has never been published, and it is supposed to be lost. [(part)qf. Life of Benjamin Franklin, by Jared Sparks (Ch.2) ]
General Wall, [Falmouth packet, under the command of Capt. Bures] sailed from New York 9 April, and was taken by Marshall, Duke of Nocilles' privateer, Capt Sanue from Dunkirk, of 12 guns, 20 swivels & 120 men in an engagement of 5 hours & ransomed for 500 guineas, since arrived Falmouth with mails on board. [ Lloyds List, 14 May, 1762]
[1762  Hume* wrote Franklin " America has sent us many good things: gold, silver, sugar, tobacco, indigo, etc; but you are the first philosopher, and indeed the first great man of letters for whom we are beholden to her." "It is our own fault that we have not kept him."]
1763 Postmaster's Survey
Franklin made a five month tour of the northern America colonies - inspecting post-offices together with his joint PMG.
"Holding the office of postmaster general in America, he spent five months of the year 1763, in travelling through the northern colonies for the purpose of inspecting the post offices. He went eastward as far as New Hampshire, and the whole extent of his tour, in going and coming, was about sixteen hundred miles. In this journey he was accompanied by his daughter, and it was performed in a light carriage, driven by himself. A saddle horse made a part of the equipage, on which his daughter rode, as be informs us, nearly all the way from Rhode Island to Philadelphia. The meeting of his old friends in Boston, Rhode Island, and New York, afforded him much enjoyment, and he was detained many days in each Place by their hospitality. At New York he met General Amherst, commander-in-chief of the British army in America, who received him with flattering civilities."
1764
June 21, 1764 The Pennsylvania Gazette. NEW YORK, June 18.
On Monday Evening last, the NEW YORK LIGHTHOUSE, erected at Sandy Hook, was lighted for the first time. The House is of an Octagon Figure, having eight equal Sides; the Diameter at the Base, 29 Feet; and at the Top of the Wall, 15 Feet. The Lanthorn is 7 Feet high; the Circumference 33 Feet. The whole Construction of the Lanthorn is Iron; the Top covered with Copper. There are 48 Oil Blazes. The Building from the Surface is Nine Stories; the whole from Bottom to Top 103 Feet. This Structure, was undertaken by Mr. Isaac Conro, of this City, and was carried on with all the Expedition that the Difficulty attending to and fro on the Occasion could possibly admit of; and is judged to be masterly finished.
Wednesday the Halifax Packet, Capt. Boulderson, sailed with the Mail for Falmouth.
In 1764 the two Deputy Postmasters-General for North America were Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Foxcroft. They made an elaborate survey of the land communications in the hope of bringing such distant colonies as Quebec and the Carolinas into regular connection with New York. Governor Murray in Canada and the merchants up the St. Lawrence wanted a monthly [coastal] service from New York immediately following the arrival of the packet-boat.
[Robinson, Howard. Carrying British Mails Overseas, Allen & Unwin (1964) (p.49)]
1764 England
Franklin was sent to England as agent for Pennsylvania
On the 7th of November, 1764, only twelve days after his appointment as a special agent for Pennsylvania "to proceed to the court of Great Britain, and there to take charge of the petition for a change of government," Franklin left Philadelphia, accompanied by a cavalcade of three hundred citizens, who attended him to Chester, where he was to go on board the vessel. "The affectionate leave taken of me by so many dear friends at Chester," said he, "was very endearing; God bless them and all Pennsylvania." He sailed the next day, but the vessel was detained over night at Reedy Island in the Delaware. After a tempestuous voyage of thirty days, he landed at Portsmouth, and proceeded immediately to London, where he again took lodgings at Mrs. Stevenson's in Craven Street.
1764-1775 The Assembly of Pennsylvania, in common with all the other assemblies on the [North American] continent, instructed Dr. Franklin to use his efforts, in behalf of the province, to prevent the passage of the [Stamp] act. (The first steps he took for this object, as well as the origin of the measure itself; are briefly explained by him in a letter written some years afterwards to Mr. William Alexander. It is dated at Passy, March 12th, 1778.)
1765 Pleads to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act
2 February, with other colonial agents, holds interview with First Minister George Grenville to protest laying of stamp duties in America
Grenville introduces annual budget in Parliament containing proposal for Stamp Act. Franklin and Thomas Pownall, former colonial governor who favored stronger ties between colonies and Great Britain, meet Grenville February 12 and offer an alternative proposal to raise revenue in America by issuing paper money at interest, but are ignored. Stamp Act passes House of Commons February 27, receives royal assent March 22, and is scheduled to take effect November 1. At Grenville’s request, Franklin nominates his friend John Hughes as Pennsylvania stamp distributor, leading to rumors that Franklin actually supports the Stamp Act. Franklin and Pownall succeed in April in getting Quartering Bill amended to eliminate forcible quartering of British troops in private dwellings in America; amended act passes May 3. [ Lemay]
1766-1775 Franklin was interrogated before the House of Commons, in 1766, regarding the effects of the Stamp Act upon the colonies; his testimony was largely influential in securing the repeal of the act. Soon, however, new plans for taxing the colonies were introduced in Parliament, and Franklin was increasingly divided between his devotion to his native land and his loyalty as a subject of George III of Great Britain. Finally, in 1775, his powers of conciliation exhausted, Franklin sorrowfully acknowledged the inevitability of war. Sailing for America after an absence of 11 years, he reached Philadelphia on May 5, 1775, to find that the opening engagements of the Revolution—the battles of Lexington and Concord—had already been fought. He was chosen a member of the Second Continental Congress, serving on ten of its committees, and was made postmaster general, an office he held for one year.
1766
Franklin was examined before the House of Commons relative to the passage of the Stamp Act
Appointed agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia.
In the summer of 1766, Dr. Franklin went over to Germany accompanied by Sir John Pringle, who spent some time at Pyrmont for the benefit of the waters. Franklin made a more extended journey* but little is known of it, except that he visited Gottingen, Hanover, and some of the principal cities and universities on the continent, and returned to London after an absence of eight weeks. During this tour he learned from the boatmen in Holland, that boats propelled by an equal force move more slowly in shoal than in deep water. He afterwards performed a variety of experiments to prove and illustrate this fact, which he considered important in the construction of canals. The results of these experiments, with an explanation of them on philosophical principles, he communicated in a letter to Sir John Pringle.
*June 15 - August 16; elected at Göttingen to Royal Academy of Sciences. [ LeMay]
1767 Franklin was presented at court in France.
In September, 1767, he visited Paris, accompanied, as he had been the year preceding in Germany, by his "steady, good friend, Sir John Pringle." The French ambassador in London, who had been particularly civil to him of late, gave him letters of introduction to several eminent persons. His papers on electricity had long before been translated and published in Paris, and his philosophical discoveries were probably better known and more highly estimated there, than in any other part of Europe. The reception he met with was in all respects gratifying to him. He was introduced to the King [Louis XV] and royal family, and formed an acquaintance with the distinguished men in the scientific and political circles. These advantages, and the knowledge he gained by his observations and inquiries in France, were not only serviceable to him at the time, but they prepared the way for the successful execution of the important trust, which he was destined to hold in that country at a later period, as minister plenipotentiary from the American States.
Franklin and Pringle visit Paris, August 28 - October 8, 1767, where Horace Walpole calls on them (Sept. 13), and they are presented to Louis XV at Versailles. [ LeMay]
1768
 Packets were unable to keep a monthly service to the West Indies and the South of North America, the voyage considered too long (6 - 7 months) There were 5 packets to Jamaica, 4 to New York, and 4 (new) packets, of 135 tons & 18 crew, to Charlestown, viz.; Le Despencer, Pond, Swallow, Wauchope, Eagle, Beals & ( Earl of ) Sandwich, Nottingham.
 Pensacola was to be served from Jamaica, with 2 vessels of 45 tons (Oct. 1768) [Post 1. 9. 6/6/1768]
At the beginning of the year 1768, there was a change in the ministry. The American business had been in the charge of Lord Shelburne, but it was now transferred to Lord Hillsborough, as secretary of State for America, this being made a distinct department. He was likewise placed at the head of the Board of Trade. In these stations he had so large a control over the affairs of the colonies, that almost every thing depended on his dispositions towards them. Franklin writes; "I am told there has been a talk of getting me appointed undersecretary to Lord Hillsborough; but with little likelihood, as it is a settled point here, that I am too much an American." An indirect overture was made to him, nevertheless, at the instance of the Duke of Grafton, by which it would appear, that there was a project for taking away from him the place of postmaster-general of the colonies, and appointing him to some office under the government.
In a letter to his son, he adds ; " So great is my inclination to be at home and at rest, that I shall not be sorry, if this business falls through, and I am suffered to retire with my old post; nor, indeed, very sorry, if they take that from me too, on account of my zeal for America, in which some of my friends have hinted to me, that I have been too open. If Mr. Grenville comes into power again, in any department respecting America, I must refuse to accept any thing that may seem to put me in his power, because I apprehend a breach between the two countries; and that refusal might give offence." (There is no evidence that any office was directly proposed to him).
During 1768, Dr. Franklin was on the point of returning to America, when he received a letter from Governor Wright, of his having been appointed agent for Georgia. He then felt it his duty to wait for the papers and instructions of the Georgia Assembly, which would probably demand his special care. He was under no obligation to accept it; yet he was unwilling to decline a trust, which had been spontaneously conferred upon him by so respectable a portion of his countrymen, and which he might possibly execute for their benefits. This kept him till winter; other business followed; and he found himself detained in England much longer than be had anticipated.
Having read, with approbation and pleasure, the celebrated "Farmer's Letters," written by John Dickinson, he caused them to be republished in London, with a commendatory Preface from his own pen. In Franklin's opinion the grievance was not, that Britain imposed duties on exported commodities, but that she prohibited the colonists from purchasing the like commodities in the markets of other countries, thus forcing them to pay such prices as she pleased, and depriving them of the advantages of a competition in trade. Parliament had exercised this power, and compelled obedience, under the vague pretence of regulating trade; but it had been done in violation of the principles upon which the relations between Great Britain and the colonies had originally been established.
Writes Mary Stevenson July 20, using phonetic alphabet of his own devising. Fall [Autumn, 1768], has maps printed showing the course of the Gulf Stream. [ LeMay]
1769 The colonists had petitioned, till their patience was exhausted, without obtaining relief or even a hearing. When thus neglected and trifled with, they thought it time to take care of themselves, not by resisting the laws, but by rendering these laws ineffectual in their application. They resolved to provide for their own wants by their industry and frugality, and such other means as Providence had blessed them with, and not to depend on a foreign people for supplying them at exorbitant prices, loaded with such additional burdens of taxation, as, in the plenitude of their power, they might choose to impose.
A committee of merchants in Philadelphia sent to Dr. Franklin a copy of their non-importation agreements, with a request that he would communicate them to the British merchants, who were concerned in the American trade. In his reply, dated July 9th, 1769, he commended their zeal, and remarked ; "By persisting steadily in the measures you have so laudably entered into, I hope you will, if backed by the general honest resolution of the people to buy British goods of no others, but to manufacture for themselves, or use colony manufactures only, be the means, under God, of recovering and establishing the freedom of our country entire, and of handing it down complete to posterity." This advice he often repeated; and, although he was too far distant to partake of the feeling kindled by sympathy throughout the colonies, yet his sentiments accorded perfectly with those of his countrymen.
A few days after writing the letter, quoted above, he [Franklin] went over to France, and passed several weeks at Paris. He has left no account of the journey, or of the business that called him abroad.
His son being governor of New Jersey, an opportunity had thus been afforded to Dr. Franklin for rendering occasional services to that colony; and, on the 8th of December, 1769, he was chosen, by a unanimous vote of the Assembly, to be the agent for transacting their affairs in England. A letter of instructions accompanied the notice of his appointment. He was requested to procure the royal signature to certain laws, which had been passed by the Assembly, and, among others, an act for emitting one hundred thousand pounds in bills of credit, to be least at five per cent, but not a legal tender.
Winter, Deborah Franklin suffers stroke, which impairs her memory and understanding; her health deteriorates thereafter. [ LeMay]
1770
 Packet route: Jamaica to Pensacola & thence to Carolina & back [Post 1. 9. 31/1/1769 (p.277)]
 March 1770, an appeal from London merchants and from Florida, for a letter service.
 July 1770, an appeal for a second boat between Pensacola & Jamaica.
On April 2 1770, after an experiment, of three years, the British ministry finding the Americans still obstinate in refusing to import goods, and trade declining, procured a repeal of the duties on all the commodities enumerated in the revenue act, except tea.
The freedom with which Dr. Franklin wrote to his correspondents in America, and the sentiments he repeatedly uttered respecting the disputes between the two countries, gave offence to the British government. Copies of some of his letters were clandestinely obtained and forwarded to the ministers. Intimations were thrown out, that he would be made to feel their resentment, by being removed from his place in the American post-office. As he had never been charged with neglect in this station, but, on the contrary, by long and unwearied exertions, had raised the post-office from a low condition to a state of prosperity and productiveness, a removal could only be intended as a punishment for his political conduct, and opinions, or rather for his perseverance in defending, what he believed to be the true interests and just claims of his country. He was determined, therefore, not to give up the office, till it should be taken from him, although he was plentifully abused in the newspapers to provoke him to a resignation.
"As to the letters complained of," said be, "it was true I did write them, and they were written in compliance with another duty, that to my country; a duty quite distinct from that of postmaster." ... "it should not be expected of me to change my political opinions every time his Majesty thought fit to change his ministers." "My rule, in which I have always found satisfaction, is, never to turn aside in public affair, through views of private interest; but to go straight forward in doing what appears to me right at the time, leaving the consequences with Providence."
The person most active on this occasion was Lord Hillsborough, who had taken umbrage at Dr. Franklin's conduct of late, finding him in the way of all his schemes for humbling the Americans and forcing upon them his official mandates. How far the other ministers participated in his feelings of hostility is uncertain, but Franklin was permitted for some time longer to retain his office.
For many years he had corresponded on political affairs with gentlemen in Massachusetts, who had been much influenced by his opinions and advice. [CHECK: By what mode, Ships' Letter, or, via the Falmouth postal packet service?]
Franklin was chosen by the Massachusetts Assembly to be their agent, as expressed in the resolve, "to appear for the House at the court of Great Britain," and to sustain their interests, "before his Majesty in Council, or in either House of Parliament, or before any public board." The appointment was made on the 24th of October, 1770, and was to continue for one year; but it was annually renewed whist he remained abroad. Mr. Cushing, the Speaker of the Assembly, transmitted to him a certificate of his election, and other papers, setting forth in detail the grievances of which the people complained, and instructing the agent to use his best efforts to have them redressed.
The first step be took, after receiving these papers, was to wait on Lord Hillsborough, the American Secretary, both to announce his appointment officially, and to explain the purport of his instructions. Franklin had but just time to mention Massachusetts, and to add, that the Assembly had chosen him to be their agent, when his Lordship hastily interrupted him by saying, "I must set you right there, Mr. Franklin; you are not agent." To which the latter replied, "I do not understand your Lordship. I have the appointment in my pocket." The minister still insisted, that it was a mistake; he had later advices, and Governor Hutchinson would not give his assent to the bill. "There was no bill, my Lord," said Franklin, "it was by a vote of the House." Whereupon his Lordship called his secretary, and asked for Governor Hutchinson's letter; but it turned out that the letter related wholly to another matter, and there was not a word in it about the agent. "I thought it could not well be," said Franklin, "as my letters are by the last ships, [CHECK for details] and they mention no such thing. Here is the authentic copy of the vote of the House appointing me, in which there is no mention of any act intended. Will your Lordship please to look at it?" But this his Lordship was not pleased to do. The minister would not even read the certificate of Dr. Franklin's appointment, nor any of the papers, but handed them back unopened.
1771
16 January: Presents credentials as Massachusetts agent to Lord Hillsborough, secretary of state for the colonies, who refuses to accept them because Franklin had been appointed by Assembly without governor's concurrence.
11 June: Elected to Batavian Society of Experimental Science, Rotterdam. [Did he visit Holland in 1771?]
17-24 June, and again July 30-August 13, visits Bishop Jonathan Shipley at Twyford, where, on latter visit, writes first part of autobiography. Tours Ireland and Scotland with Richard Jackson from August 25 to November 30; attends opening of Irish Parliament, October 8; stays with David Hume in Edinburgh, and with Lord Kames at Blair-Drummond. At the end of trip, visits mother and sister of son-in-law Richard Bache at Preston in Lancashire, meets Richard for first time, and returns to London with him. [ LeMay]
October 17, 1771 The Pennsylvania Gazette. Philadelphia, October 17.
Monday last the General Assembly of this Province met here, when Joseph Galloway, Esq.; was chosen Speaker; and Charles Moore, Esq.; Clerk of the House. Benjamin Franklin, Esq.; is appointed Agent for this Province at the Court of Great Britain, for the ensuing Year.
Having now in his change the concerns of four colonies, Dr. Franklin's time was necessarily much occupied with them. Little being done by Parliament, however, relating to American affairs, in the year 1771, he had leisure for his annual excursions, which, from his confinement and close attention to business while in London, he found essential to his health. He made short journeys through different parts of England, stopping and passing some time at gentlemen's country-seats, to which he had been invited. He visited Dr. Priestley at Leeds, Dr. Percival at Manchester, and Dr. Darwin at Litchfield and assisted them in performing some new philosophical experiments.
When Dr. Priestley was in London, their intercourse was constant and intimate. They belonged to a club of "honest Whigs," as it was designated by Dr. Franklin, which held stated meetings, and of which Dr. Price and Dr. Kippis were also members. After these little excursions, he made a tour through Wales, Ireland, and Scotland. He had never been in Ireland before.
He stayed in Dublin till the opening of the Irish Parliament, (8 October, 1771) for the purpose of seeing the principal patriots in that Assembly. "I found them," he says, "disposed to be friends of America, in which I endeavoured to confirm them, with the expectation that our growing weight might in time be thrown into their scale, and, by joining our interests with theirs a more equitable treatment from this nation might be obtained for them as well as for us. There are many brave spirits among them. The gentry are a very sensible, polite, and friendly people. Their Parliament makes a most respectable figure, with a number of very good speakers in both parties, and able men of business. And 1 must not omit acquainting you, that, it being a standing rule to admit members of the English Parliament to sit (though they do not vote), in the House among the members, while others are only admitted into the gallery, my fellow traveller, being an English member, was accordingly admitted as such. But I supposed I must go to the gallery, when the Speaker stood up, and acquainted the House, that he understood there was in town an American gentleman of (as he was pleased to say) distinguished character and merit, a member or delegate of some of the Parliaments of that country, who was desirous of being present at the debates of the House; that there was a rule of the House for admitting members of English Parliaments, and that he supposed the House would consider the American Assemblies as English Parliaments; but, as this was the first instance, he had chosen not to give any order in it without receiving their directions. On the question, the House gave a loud, unanimously when two members came to me without the bar, led me in between them, and placed me honorably and commodiously."
In Scotland he had many friends, who received him with a cordial welcome and an open-handed hospitality. He spent five days with Lord Kames at Blair Drummond, near Stirling, two or three days at Glasgow, and about three weeks at Edinburgh, where he lodged with David Hume. His old acquaintances, Sir Alexander Dick, Drs. Robertson, Cullen, Black, Ferguson, Russel and others, renewed the civilities, which they had, formerly shown to him, and which attached him so strongly to Scottish manners and society. His intimacy with Dr. Robertson had before enabled him to be the means of rendering a just tribute to the merit of some of his countrymen, by obtaining for them honorary degrees from the University of Edinburgh, over which that distinguished historian presided. Dr. Cooper, President Stiles, and Professor Winthrop of Harvard College, were among those upon whom this honor was conferred in consequence of his recommendation.
On his way back from Scotland, at Preston in Lancashire, he met his son-in-law, Mr. Richard Bache, who, with his consent, had married his only daughter four years before in Philadelphia. Mr. Bache had just come over from America, and was on a visit to his mother and sisters, who resided at Preston. He accompanied his father-in-law to London, and [Bache] sailed thence for Philadelphia a few weeks afterwards. Dr. Franklin had never seen him before, but this, short acquaintance seems to have made a favorable impression. In writing to his wife, he said he had been much pleased with what he had observed of his character and deportment, as also with the condition and good repute of his relations in England.
In 1771, whilst in England, Franklin commenced his Autobiography:
TWYFORD, at the summer home of Dr. Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771.
In the course of 1771, Franklin paid two visits to the "good Bishop," as he was accustomed to call him, at Twyford in Hampshire, the place of the Bishop's summer residence ; and, while there, he employed his leisure hours in writing the first part of his autobiography. His friendship for this amiable family continued without diminution through life, and was kept bright by an uninterrupted correspondence with the Bishop and his daughters, particularly Miss Georgiana Shipley, a young lady of distinguished accomplishments.
Dear son: I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the inquiries I made among the remains of my relations when you were with me in England, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. ....
1772
January 16, 1772 The Pennsylvania Gazette. Philadelphia, January 16.
Dr. Franklin hath been for some time on a Tour to Ireland, where I hear he was five days entertained by Lord Hillsborough, at his Lordship's House at Hillsborough, with great hospitality. He is now at Edinburgh, at the House of Mr. Hume, the Historian, where he purposes to stay a week or two, and then return to London.
Franklin Invented a stove designed to consume its own smoke, and also, he invented the first bifocal spectacles and a "rolling press" to make copies of letters.
1773 During his absence from London, in the summer of 1773, he passed a few weeks at the country residence of Lord Le Despencer, [PMG] and employed himself, while there, in abridging some parts of the Book of Common Prayer. "This shortened method, or one of the same kind better executed, would further religion, remove animosity, and occasion a more frequent attendance on the worship of God." [Compare Franklin's reason for abridging the Common Prayer Book with the definition of Theist and Deist, with which he is associated]
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 all change! =======================
1773 The Boston Tea Party (16 December, 1773)
Feb. 12, 1773 The Pennsylvania Gazette. The Commons House of Assembly of Georgia hath passed an Ordinance, appointing Dr. Franklin to be Agent for that Province, in Great Britain, and another, appointing Grey Elliott, Esq.; to the same Office, in case of Dr. Franklin's Absence from Great Britain.
1774 Dismissed from the office of Postmaster  for North America.
Franklin was dismissed by the Crown for actions sympathetic to the cause of the colonies.
For the letter dismissing Franklin on January 31, 1774, see the American Letter Book, in the Post Office Archives, London. See also TLB II, 14-26, 243, 249 and Walsingham Papers III, 379 ft. and 699.
SM 14 February, 1774: London February 9th. Parliamentary Proceedings
The place lately held by Dr. Franklin, of Post-Master in America, from which his Majesty was pleased to dismiss him on Saturday last, is given to Mr. J. Garnier.
(Same issue) Falmouth Feb. 11. Sailed, Lord Hyde, Jeffries (sic) to New York.
January 29, 1774: Franklin, was in London as agent for the Pennsylvania, New Jersey, Georgia and Massachusetts assemblies.
In the Cockpit Tavern, Franklin stood before 35 men comprising the Privy Council, accused of abusing his position as Postmaster General to intercept and publish some letters written by Thomas Hutchinson, crown-appointed Governor of Massachusetts.
"There is truth in the charge. He is not innocent." (Manceron, p.13) Hutchinson was a persistent advocate of colonial exploitation and regarded as responsible for squeezing American exasperation to bursting point. (Manceron, p.13). Since firing on the crowd in Boston, four years earlier, troops were ordered to to collect the import levies at American ports.
Lord North (Prime Minister, and supposedly the bastard brother of George III) had refused Franklin a private hearing. After two hours, in his summing up, the Solicitor General (Wedderburn) declared Franklin a spy, traitor, would-be assassin - rebel. Franklin, shaking hands with the last of his friends, left the room in silence. Fourteen years earlier Franklin had greeted the accession of the young 'bourgeois' anti-Louis XIV King, George III. His Privy Council having declared itself, George III, also unwilling ever to grant Franklin an audience, signed a letter on January 31, 1774, withdrawing his appointment as Postmaster General. ( Manceron, p.14).
[When signing the Treaty of Alliance with France in 1778, Franklin wore the same suit he had worn on the day of his trial before the Privy Council."To give it a little revenge," Benjamin said. ]
Shortly afterwards, news reached England, that, on December 16, 1773, Bostonians disguised as Indians, had jettisoned the tea cargo of three of the HEIC's (Honourable East India Company) ships. .. Would-be conciliators, including the elder Pitt, Lord Chatham, looked to Franklin as their last hope for averting an impending clash. Lord Sandwich complained that the Yankees were just a bunch of rascals that could be taught to behave by an army of 10,000. Lord North carried his Boston Port Bill, that closed the port to all shipping.
When four regiments of British troops occupied Boston under General Gage and that port's commerce was blockaded by warships of the British Navy in May of 1774, an already grim situation was getting worse In the colonists' eyes. Foodstuffs and other goods were collected at several ports in Suffolk [County] to help the people of the Boston area. ....Lord Howe, commander of British forces, said of Long Island that it was "the only spot in America for carrying on a war with efficacy ... in this fertile island the Army could subsist with out any succor from England." Wheat, hay, cattle, and wood were seen as critical to any military force trying to hold New York City. And New York was a key location not only because of its fine harbor but because it separated the colonies of New England and the Middle Atlantic. Communication within Suffolk and with the outside world was almost nonexistent. There was no postal service so that messages had to be slowly passed along by coastal sailing vessels or given to horse and rider. [Qf. Long Island Genealogy.com ]
For over 100 years shipbuilding was a major industry in Suffolk County and provided a living for hundreds of men. Construction of railroads and the development of steam-powered iron-hulled vessels brought the trade to a virtual end by 1880. The yards went out of business or became "boat-yards," specializing in pleasure craft and small work boats. This great outburst of productivity is a record of which Suffolk County may well be proud.[qf. Ship Building in Suffolk County ]
[Booksearch 'hit'] SCARCE COLONIAL IMPRINT: "The Royal American Magazine", April 1774, printed in Boston, by Isaiah Thomas. Illus. on front pg of Indian & allegorical figure by Paul Revere. Approx. 5.25" x 9", 40pgs. Includes an account of the Boston Tea Party & the British response by blocking the port of Boston, further destruction of tea in New York, the dismissal of Benjamin Franklin as Postmaster General for North America, "for no other reason that we know of than being too great a Friend to the Colonies", detailed account of the British response to Franklin's attempt to have the Gov. of Mass. removed, much more... A portrait of Samuel Adams is listed in the table of contents, but is missing. sewn binding mostly gone, resulting in most pages being loose, lt toning, edge tears. VG $75-100
On 10 May, 1774, The King of France, Louis VX, died of smallpox, after a reign of 60 years, (which included twelve famines).
The First Continental Congress met from September 5 to October 26, 1774.
September 17th, 1774: [The message was clear!]
[14] "Until our rights are fully restored to us, we will, to the utmost of our power, and we recommend the same to the other counties, to withhold all commercial intercourse with Great-Britain, Ireland, and the West-Indies, and abstain from the consumption of British merchandise and manufactures, and especially of East-Indies,....
[15] "Under our present circumstances, it is incumbent on us to encourage arts and manufactures amongst us, by all means in our power, and hereby appointed a committee, to consider of the best ways and means to promote and establish the same, and to report to this convention as soon as may be."
"The "Suffolk Resolves" were sent express to Congress by Paul Revere, who reached Philadelphia on Friday, September 16. On the day after, they were laid before Congress, and were acted upon the same day. "This was one of the happiest days of my life," noted John Adams in his Diary. "In Congress we had generous, noble sentiments, and manly eloquence. This day convinced me that America will support the Massachusetts or perish with her."" [qf. Resolutions of the County of Suffolk ]
September 22nd, 1774
The Congress Resolved unanimously, That the Congress request the Merchants and others in the several colonies, not to send to Great Britain, any orders for goods, and to direct the execution of all orders already sent, to be delayed or suspended, until the sense of the Congress, on the means to be taken for the preservation of the liberties of America, is made public.
Ordered, That this resolution be made public by handbills, and by publishing it in the newspapers.
September 27th , 1774
In consideration of the means most proper to be used for a restoration of American rights, [it was] Resolved unanimously, That from and after the first day of December next, there be no importation into British America from Great Britain or Ireland, of any goods, wares or merchandizes whatsoever, or from any other place, of any such goods, wares or merchandizes, as shall have been exported from Great-Britain or Ireland; and that no such goods, wares or merchandizes, imported after the said first day of December next, be used or purchased.
About the middle of December, 1774, Dr. Franklin received the petition of the first Continental Congress to the King.
[which was dismissed]
Early in December, Mr. Joseph Galloway visited Governor [William] Franklin and Lieutenant-Governor Colden, and gave to each a copy of his Plan of Union. Franklin's copy was transmitted to [Earl of] Dartmouth with introductory resolutions looking to a recommendation of the plan to the Colonial Assemblies.
Governor Franklin's version.
Resolved, That there is a manifest Defect in the Constitution of the British Empire in respect to the Government of the Colonies upon those principles of Liberty which form an essential Part of that Constitution; and that such Defect has arisen from the circumstance of Colonization which was not included in the System of the British Government at the Time of its Institution, nor has been provided for since.
Resolved, That the Colonists hold in Abhorance the Idea of being considered Independent Communities on the British Government, and most ardently desire the Establishment of a Political Union not only among themselves but with the Mother State upon those principles of Safety and Freedom which are Essential in the Constitution of all free Governments and particularly that of the British Legislature, and Therefore,
Resolved, As the Colonies from their local & other circumstances cannot be represented in the British Parliament, the Congress do most Earnestly recommend (as a Measure of the Greatest Importance in reconciling the Difference between G. Britain and her Colonies, and restoring them to a permanent Union & Harmony) to the consideration of the several Continental American Assemblies the following Plan of Government to be by them humbly proposed to his Majesty and his two Houses of Parliament under which the whole Empire may be drawn together on every Emergency, the Interest of both Countries advanced and the Rights and Liberties of America secured.
The plan was entered on the minutes of the Congress, with an order referring it to future consideration; "yet they not only refused to resume the Consideration of it, but directed both the Plan and Order to be erased from their Minutes, so that no vestige of it might appear there." William Franklin to Earl of Dartmouth, 6 December, 1774.
For the year past, Dr. Franklin had foreseen, that, if the ministers persevered in their mad projects against the colonies, a rupture between the two countries and a civil war would soon follow; and be used all the means in his power to induce a change of measures. This was. known to gentlemen of influence in the opposition, who were striving to effect the same end, and who accordingly sought his counsel and cooperation.
Galloway sent a copy of his Plan to Benjamin Franklin, who showed it to Lords Chatham and Camden. He also sent a copy to Dartmouth. Franklin wrote in reply a very pregnant letter in which he said: "Lord Gower, I believe, alluded to it when in the House he censured the Congress severely as first resolving to receive a plan for uniting the colonies to the mother country, and afterwards rejecting it, and ordering their first resolution to be erased out of their minutes." Dartmouth wrote to Colden, 7 January, 1775, "The idea of Union upon some general constitutional plan, is certainly very just, & I have no doubt of its being yet attainable through some channel of mutual consideration and discussion."
December 9th 1774
Gentlemen,
The detention of the Lord Hyde packet boat for the Government's dispatches enables me to acquaint you in addition to my letter of the 7th instant, that Dr. Franklin and the Accountant General have had a meeting in order to settle the General Accounts of to the 5th of April last, but they are made out in so loose and careless, not to say incorrect matter that this has been effected the balance being spread out through a variety of accounts of Deputies General , Surveyor, Comptroller and instead of being drawn into one point of view in a clear state of debtor and creditor between the deputies General only and this Office as ...
Signed by, Anthony Todd [Secretary]
[qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783) Re: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (p.48) ]
December 14th 1774 To Messrs. Foxcroft & Finley, New York
Gentlemen,
I have received by the Duke of Cumberland Packet Boat, Capt. Mitchel (sic) a letter from Mr. Foxcroft of the 2nd past including two bills for £734-9-8d and another from Mr. Colden with five bills for £1,350 making together £2,084 - 9s.-8d., which when paid will be placed to the credit of the account of Messrs. Franklin & Foxcroft as Deputy Postmasters General with whom alone, as I have frequently observed to you this office can have any account.
I am, etc, Anthony Todd, Secretary.
[qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783) Re: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (p.50) ]
December 29th, 1774
Mifflin proposed " stoppage of flaxseed and lumber to the West Indies, and non-importation of dutied articles."
[The interests of the colonies were different. The Eastern and middle provinces were interested in the West Indian trade, while the exports of the Southern found their markets almost wholly in Europe.]
Agreed, That Mr. [Thomas] Cushing, Mr. [Isaac] Low, Mr. [Thomas] Mifflin, Mr. [Richard Henry] Lee, and Mr. [Thomas] Johnson, be a committee to bring in a plan for carrying into effect, the non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation.....
October 5th, 1774
An address from William Goddard to the Congress was read and lie on the table.
October 6th, 1774
Resolved, That from and after the first day of December next, no molasses, coffee or pimento from the British Plantations or from Dominica, or wines from Madeira & the Western Islands, or foreign indigo, be imported into these colonies. [Also, "Non-exportation of particular articles dropped."]
October 20th, 1774
The Congress met. The association being copied, was read and signed at the table, and is as follows:--
...the state of the whole continent, find, that the present unhappy situation of our affairs is occasioned by a ruinous system of colony administration, adopted by the British ministry about the year 1763, evidently calculated for inslaving these colonies, and, with them, the British empire.
1. That from and after the first day of December next, we will not import, into British America, from Great-Britain or Ireland, any goods, wares, or merchandise whatsoever, or from any other place, any such goods, wares, or merchandise, as shall have been exported from Great-Britain or Ireland; nor will we, after that day, import any East-India tea from any part of the world; nor any molasses, syrups, paneles, [Brown unpurified sugar.] coffee, or pimento, from the British plantations or from Dominica; nor wines from Madeira, or the Western Islands; nor foreign indigo. [" Although no wine is made in any country, subject to the British state, you prohibited our procuring it of foreigners, without paying a tax, imposed by your parliament,on all we imported" (John Jay's Address to the People of Great Britain) 21 October, 1774]
2. We will neither import nor purchase, any slave imported after the first day of December next;
after which time, we will wholly discontinue the slave trade, and will neither be concerned in it ourselves, nor will we hire our vessels, nor sell our commodities or manufactures to those who are concerned in it.
3. As a non-consumption agreement, strictly adhered to, will be an effectual security for the observation of the non-importation, we, as above, solemnly agree and associate, that, from this day, we will not purchase or use any tea, imported on account of the East-India company, or any on which a duty hath been or shall be paid; and from and after the first day of March next, we will not purchase or use any East-India tea whatever.
4. The earnest desire we have, not to injure our fellow-subjects in Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, induces us to suspend a non-exportation, until the tenth day of September, 1775; at which time, if the said acts and parts of acts of the British parliament herein after mentioned are not repealed, we will not, directly or indirectly, export any merchandise or commodity whatsoever to Great-Britain, Ireland, or the West-Indies, except rice to Europe. ....
7. We will use our utmost endeavours to improve the breed of sheep, and increase their number to the greatest extent; and to that end, we will kill them as seldom [ sparingly] as may be, especially those of the most profitable kind; nor will we export any to the West-Indies or elsewhere; and those of us, who are or may become overstocked with, or can conveniently spare any sheep, will dispose of them to our neighbours, especially to the poorer sort, on moderate terms.
8. We will, in our several stations, encourage frugality, economy, and industry, and promote agriculture, arts [skills] and the manufactures of this country, especially that of wool; and will discountenance and discourage every species of extravagance and dissipation, especially all horse-racing, and all kinds of gaming, cockfighting, exhibitions of shews, plays, and other expensive diversions and entertainments; and on the death of any relation or friend, none of us, or any of our families, will go into any further mourning-dress, than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat, for gentlemen, and a black ribbon and necklace for ladies, and we will discontinue the giving of gloves and scarves at funerals.
Charles Thomson to Franklin, Philadelphia. October 26, 1774
Sir
This day the Congress broke up, the papers are not all got ready, but will be sent to you by the next opportunity. As a vessel sails to morrow morning early I am ordered to forward to you the petition to the King. Endorsed: "Capt. Morwick is particularly requested to take great care of these and deliver it as soon as possible, it being the Petition from the Congress"
Nov. 1, 1774
Sir
I have the honour to forward to you, the address to the King and an address to the people of Great Britain & these colonies. I was in hopes by this opportunity to have sent you the Journal of the proceedings of the congress which is in the press.
I hope administration will see and be convinced that it is not a little faction, but the whole body of American freeholders from Nova Scotia to Georgia that now complain & apply for redress; and who, I am sure, will resist rather than submit.
When I look back and consider the warm affection which the colonists had for Great Britain till the present reign, the untainted loyalty, unshaken fidelity & cheerful confidence that universally prevailed till that time, & then view the present heart burnings, jealousies, gloom & despair, I am ready to ask, with the poet "Are there not some chosen thunders in the stores of heaven armed with uncommon wrath to blast those men," who by their cursed schemes of policy are dragging friends & brothers into the horrors of civil war & involving their country in ruin.
Even yet the wound may be healed & peace and love restored; But we are on the very edge of the precipice. I am &c
Cha. Thomson
Franklin to W. & R. Molleson.Craven Street, [London] December 21, 1774
Gentlemen:
I am much obliged by your friendly offer of accompanying me in presenting the Petition. It is committed to the Care of Sundry Gentlemen who meet this Day to consider the Mode of presenting it. What they will agree on is uncertain. If it were a Petition from Merchants in America on the subject of Commerce there might be more Propriety in its being accompanied to the Throne by the American Merchants here; but as it chiefly relates to the political Grievances of the Americans, perhaps it will be thought best not to give Merchants here the Trouble of accompanying it, as probably they will form a Petition of their own, on the mischievous Interruption their Commerce is likely to sustain by a continuance of the present Measures. I am &c
B. F. [See Franklin's Writings, (Bigelow's Edition,) V, 469.]
To W. & R. Molleson.
When the Petition first came over, an Accident had happen'd to the Paper that made it unfit to be presented, Therefore a Duplicate was waited for, being expected in some other ship. Before that arriv'd Lord Hillsborough was gone to Ireland
On his return B. F. waited on him several times, or rather endeavoured to wait on him, but was always refus'd admittance, or his Lordship deny'd.
In the meantime hearing that his Lordship had declar'd the Minister who propos'd the Repeal of that Act would deserve to be hang'd & also that his Lordship talk'd of resigning, B. F. thought it best to wait a little longer. [Ms. of B. F. in Franklin Papers, Library of Congress.
"The American petition came under cover to Dr. Franklin, but consigned to five gentlemen, viz. the Doctor himself, Mr. Burke, Mr. Garth, Mr. Arthur Lee and Paul Wentworth, to be by them presented to the king attended by as many Americans and merchants as could be prevailed upon to take a part in the business, or to be delivered to your Lordship in order to be presented. The petitioners recommend the first mode, but understand Dr. Franklin adopts the latter. They were to meet today at Waghorn's coffee house, but Paul Wentworth (from whom I have these particulars) declines acting, and says the petition is an assertion of all their claims in a very high tone and with very offensive expressions." Note endorsed "Mr. Pownall," and dated 20 December, 1774, Dartmouth MSS.]
1775 [Given Franklin's dismissal from the Post Office, in January 1774]...
"He's lucky they let him slip away quietly, that George III didn't have him arrested while all London was gossiping about his imminent banishment, that he wasn't clapped behind bars for high treason, sent to the block, and his head put on display at Temple Bar. Many Tories complained that government was too soft on this spy. "
After farewells to his Whig (Liberal) friends, Franklin sailed from England on the 21st [25th? Manceron, p.162] of March, 1775, [on Captain Osborne's Pennsylvania Packet], and arrived at Philadelphia on the 5th of May, employing himself during a long voyage in writing an account of his recent attempts to establish peace and harmony between the two countries; [not published till after his death].
He also made experiments with a [large] thermometer [attached to a cord] , to ascertain the temperature of the ocean in different places from which he deduced the existence of the Gulph Stream, which he considered "a valuable philosophical discovery," and was confirmed by similar experiments repeated in two other voyages. His inference was, that the body of water, constituting the Gulf Stream, retains a portion of its warmth while it passes from the tropics to the northern seas, thus affording seamen the means of knowing when they are in the Stream by the temperature of the water. By the same warmth, as he supposed, the air above is rarefied and rendered lighter; currents of wind flow in from opposite directions, and produce the tornadoes and water-spouts so common over the Gulf Stream in southern latitudes. Further north, the warm air mingles with the cold, and is condensed into the fogs, which prevail so remarkably on the Banks of Newfoundland.
Franklin was not to know that, on 5 May, H.M.S. Falcon had captured two American ships at Martha's Vineyard, Massachusetts; that the day following, his son, the New Jersey Governor, wrote the Earl of Dartmouth saying that the recent Lexington skirmish greatly diminished any chance of reconciliation. Benjamin, though, wrote his son on 7 May, encouraging him to support American independence.
Upon his arrival at Philadelphia, on 5 May, 1775, he learned that Deborah, his wife, had died.
The last of his sixteen brothers and sisters, except the youngest, had been dead eight years, his father twenty-eight, and his mother twenty. Many years after her death, in writing to a young lady, he said; "Frugality is an enriching virtue; a virtue I never could acquire myself; but I was once lucky enough to find it in a wife, who therefore became a fortune to me."
Returning to an empty house, he was escorted by a cavalcade of five hundred well-wishers; he had returned a martyr to the cause of liberty.
The Second Continental Congress ran from May 10, 1775, to March 2, 1789 [The "Secret Journals," or, confidential sections of the records, were not published until 1821.]
The day after his arrival, Dr. Franklin was unanimously chosen by the Assembly of Pennsylvania a delegate to the second Continental Congress, which was to meet at Philadelphia on the 10th of May. In addition to his duties in Congress, Dr. Franklin served as chairman of the Committee of Safety, appointed by the Assembly of Pennsylvania. The committee of twenty-five members was authorized to call the militia into service, whenever they should judge it necessary, to pay and furnish them with supplies, and to provide for the defense of the province. Bills of credit, to the amount of thirty-five thousand pounds, were issued to pay the expenses incurred. This was a highly responsible and important trust. Franklin labored in it incessantly during eight months, till he was called away upon another service. The attention of the committee was especially directed to the protection of the city, by sinking "chevaux-de-frise" in the Delaware, constructing and manning armed boats, and, erecting fortifications. These works were executed with surprising despatch, and so effectually, that, when the enemy's fleet entered the river, after the battle of the Brandywine, it was retarded by them nearly two months.
While thus actively engaged, Dr. Franklin drew up and presented to Congress, on the 21st of July, a plan of confederation. His plan was little else than a virtual declaration of independence. It was to be perpetual, unless the British government should agree to such terms of reconciliation, as had been claimed by the colonies.
On 23 August, 1775, England's ruler formally declared the colonial governors "rebels." Gloucester was right, two weeks earlier in Metz: his brother chooses the path of violence. In surprise attacks, [DATE???] the English fleet bombards two open ports, Falmouth, on 18 October, 1775, [when in Massachusetts, now Maine] in the North, and Suffolk in the South.(which led to Thomas Paine deciding to write Common Sense).
[By coincidence] "The Eagle [Falmouth] packet, Captain Nichols, left Charles-Town the 23rd August, and brings advice that an armed schooner, fitted at Connecticut, had fell in with the Betsy, Capt. Losshouse, bound to St. Augustine of the bar of that place; they took the powder out, consisting of 500 barrels, and carried them into Carolina. Remarkable though the ship was loaded with all sorts of Government stores for the Governor of St. Augustine, they took nothing but the powder. The Carolinas are set upon fortifying Charles-Town in case of attack by men-of-war." [Sherborne Mercury (SM) 9 October, 1775]
The post-office establishment, which had existed under the British government, was broken up by the disorders of the times. Congress made provision for a new one, and appointed Dr. Franklin postmaster-general, with a salary of one thousand dollars a year. The entire management of the business was put under his control, with power to establish such post routes, and appoint as many deputies, as he should think proper.
There were the committees for devising ways and means to protect the commerce of the colonies, for reporting on the state of trade in America and on Lord North's motion in Parliament, for employing packet ships and disposing of captured vessels, for establishing a war-office, for drawing up a plan of treaties to be proposed to foreign powers, for preparing the device of a national seal, and many others.
A Secret Committee was appointed, [29 Nov. 1775] of which Franklin was a member. At first, it was the province of this committee to import ammunition, cannon, and muskets; but its powers and duties were enlarged, so as to include the procuring of all kinds of military supplies, and the distributing of them to the troops, the Continental armed vessels, and privateers, and also the manufacturing of saltpetre and gunpowder. The country was alarmingly deficient in all these articles; and it was necessary to procure them from abroad by contracts with foreign merchants, and to have them shipped as secretly as possible, that they might not be intercepted and captured by the enemy. [Note: Implying, the British navy was (already) an enemy]. Remittances were made in tobacco and other produce, either directly or through such channels as would render them available for the payments.
As soon as Congress had determined to raise an army, they applied themselves to the business of finance, and emitted two millions of dollars in bills of credit. This was the beginning of the Continental paper-money system.
As soon as Congress had put their military affairs in train, they began to think of foreign alliances. On the 29th of November [1775] they appointed a Committee Of Secret Correspondence, for the purpose of establishing and keeping up an intercourse with the friends of the American cause in England, Ireland, and other parts of Europe. [Committee met secretly with agent of French court in December, 1775 ( Lemay)].
Dr. Franklin's long residence abroad, his extensive acquaintance with men of [Masonic] character there, and his knowledge of their political sentiments, naturally qualified him for acting a principal part in this committee. He wrote letters to some of his friends [CHECK for cross references] in Europe, on whose discretion and fidelity he could rely, requesting them to watch the current of events, and the tendency of public opinion, in regard to the American controversy; to ascertain, as far as it could be done, the designs of men in power, and to communicate intelligence on these points for the use of Congress. To Mr. Dumas, at the Hague, whom he had known in Holland, he sent particular instructions, investing him, in the name of the committee, with certain powers as a political agent, by which he was authorized and desired to seek opportunities for discovering, through the ambassadors at that place, the disposition of the European courts and the probability of their rendering assistance to the Americans. Mr. Dumas accepted this commission and executed it faithfully. He continued in the service of the United States throughout the Revolution, and for some years afterwards.
 April 8th 1775. To Messrs. Foxcroft & Finley, New York.
Gentlemen,
I take the chance of the Mercury packet boat being detained by contrary winds to acquaint you that yesterday I received Mr. Foxcroft's letter of the 1st March, and Mr. Finlay's letter of the 6th February also by the former mail his of the 9th of January inclosing a copy of the Journal down to the 25th December.......
.. As Dr. Franklin embarked for Philadelphia some time ago [from London, 25 March, 1775], I have no doubt you will be able to adjust your accounts in such a manner as to enable him to pay in the balance in his hands .....
[ qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783) Re: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (p.65) ]
1775 “... On 9 (sic) November [1775], a special committee -- the Committee of Congress for Secret Correspondence -- was appointed to establish a network of contacts among 'our friends abroad'. This committee consisted of Robert Morris, John Jay, Benjamin Harrison, John Dickinson and Benjamin Franklin. It was to operate extensively through Freemasonic channels* and to lead to the creation of an elaborate spy network.* At the same time, and quite coincidentally, it was to overlap a British spy network which ran parallel to it and also operated through Masonic channels. Both networks were to be based primarily in Paris, which became the center for a vast web of espionage, intrigue and shifting allegiances.
“... On 11 June 1776, Congress appointed a committee to draft a declaration of independence. Of the five men on this committee, two -- Franklin and Richard Montgomery's father-in-law, Robert Livingston -- were Freemasons, and one, Roger Sherman, is believed, though not confirmed, to have been. The other two -- Thomas Jefferson and John Adams -- were not, despite subsequent claims to the contrary. The text of the declaration was composed by Jefferson. It was submitted to Congress and accepted on 4 July 1776. The nine signatories who can now be established as proven Freemasons, and the ten who were probably so, included such influential figures as Washington, Franklin and, of course, the president of the Congress, John Hancock. The army, moreover, remained almost entirely in Freemasonic hands.
“Franklin, as we have seen, was a Freemason of long standing, having been initiated nearly a half century before, in 1731. In 1734 and again in 1749, he had been Grand Master of Pennsylvania. In 1756, he had been inducted into the Royal Society, still at that time strongly oriented towards Freemasonry. Between 1757 and 1762, and again between 1764 and 1775, he had spent considerable time abroad, in England and in France. In 1776, as the conflict in the colonies became a full-fledged war for independence, Franklin became, in effect, the American ambassador to France, and was to serve in this capacity until 1785. In 1778, in Paris, he was to become a member of a particularly important French lodge, Neuf Soeurs or “Nine Sisters”, which was also to include such luminaries as John Paul Jones (first initiated in Scotland in 1770) and Voltaire. A year later, on 21 May 1779, Franklin became Master of Neuf Soeurs, a post to which he was reelected in 1780. In 1782, he became a member of a more elusive and mysterious Freemasonic conclave, the Royal Lodge des Commandeurs du Temple a l'Ouest de Carcassonne (“Royal Lodge of Commanders of the Temple West of Carcassonne”).”
[*qf. site quoting Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, The Temple and the Lodge ]
1775 - 1783 War of American Independence
The War of Independence began in Massachusetts in 1775, with the Battles of Lexington and Bunker Hill.
February 19, 1776: Congress orders new designs for fractional dollars, and Franklin creates device of thirteen linked circles and "Fugio" design (later used on first United States coin, Fugio cent of 1787). [ LeMay]
"We are One"
13 arms uniting around a heart. 13 circles and 13 Star-Points
Masonic Emblem of the 13 Colonies. Colonial Currency designed by Benjamin Franklin*
See also: THE HISTORY OF MONEY IN AMERICA ,
From the Earliest Times to the Establishment of the Constitution - Alexander Del Mar--1899
At the Second Continental Congress, held in Philadelphia, Franklin was on the Committee of secret correspondence. Newly returned from England, he was appointed chairman of a Committee of Investigation to establish a postal system. The report of the Committee, providing for the appointment of a postmaster general for the 13 American colonies. On July 26, 1775, Franklin was appointed Postmaster General, the first appointed under the Continental Congress; Richard Bache, Franklin's son-in-law, was named Comptroller, and William Goddard was appointed Surveyor of the Post office. Franklin served until November 7, 1776.
1775 (August 27) Benjamin Franklin wrote to Silas Deane agreeing with his opinion that the colonies need a navy: "I hope the next Winter will be employed in forming one. When we are no longer fascinated with the Idea of a speedy reconciliation, we shall exert ourselves to some purpose. Till then Things will be done by Halves." On 13 October,1775, Congress authorizes the creation of a navy.
1775 (October 14) London, Secretary of State Lord Suffolk receives intelligence that the colony of Pennsylvania is preparing an armed fleet and floating batteries to prevent the passage of the King's ships through the Delaware River. He recommends that the Admiralty dispatch vessels to destroy the floating batteries.
1775 (November 29) Congress established a Committee of Secret Correspondence to seek assistance from European nations.
1775 (December 23) George III issues a royal proclamation closing the American colonies to all commerce and trade, to take effect in March of 1776. (Also in December, Congress is informed that France may offer support in the war against Britain.) (Detail?)
1776 Designs sea defences
SM 25/3/1776.The Philadelphia's. By an invention of Dr. Franklin's here left caissons about 3 leagues down the river, by which they can stop any shipping coming up, and at the same time admit either up or down any they have a mind to.
1776 2 April: Dr. Benjamin Franklin and four companions stood on the Albany pier in New York's East River, watching their servants load the waiting sloop with baggage, food, blankets, folding beds, and a new saddle Franklin had purchased in Philadelphia. This was an odd bunch--five men of disparate age, temperament, and experience, bound on a secret, highly sensitive mission to Canada on behalf of the Second Continental Congress. They had departed from Philadelphia on March 26, and a leisurely journey across New Jersey brought them to New York three days later. Assuming that the city would be crowded, Franklin had written ahead to an old friend, William Alexander--a burly, energetic major general in the Continental Army who laid claim to an earldom in Scotland and styled himself Lord Stirling even in these egalitarian times, and who was now in charge of preparing the city's defenses against an expected attack by the British. The general found lodgings for them and arranged for a vessel to take them to Albany, the first major stop on what promised to be a long and arduous expedition. The doctor also had time to write Anthony Todd, an old friend in England, [Secretary to the Postmasters General for 61 years, until his death in 1798] asking, "How long will the Insanity on your side [of] the Water continue?" before expressing his confidence in the outcome of the struggle. "The Breach between you and us grows daily wider and more difficult to heal," he observed, but "Britain without us can grow no stronger: Without her we shall become a tenfold greater and mightier People."
[qf Review of: Saratoga, Turning Point of America's Revolutionary War, RICHARD M. KETCHUM, Henry Holt and Company, Inc. ]
The commissioners left Philadelphia about the 20th of March, 1776, reaching Montreal near the end of April. Before he left home, Dr. Franklin had withdrawn from the Assembly and Committee of Safety, not knowing how long he should be absent. His health was much impaired by inclemency of the weather. In some parts of the route he was obliged to lodge in the woods. He stayed a fortnight at Montreal, and then, in company with Mr. John Carroll, he set out on his way homeward, leaving the other commissioners behind, who remained in Canada till near the time it was evacuated by the American troops. With some difficulty be proceeded to Albany. From that place to New York he was conveyed, in a private carriage, with which be had been accommodated by the kindness of General Schuyler. He arrived [back] at Philadelphia early in June.
-------------- Have a break, and absorb the atmosphere ..... , from a book which puts 'flesh' into an account of Franklin's trip to Canada in 1776.
On the second day of April in 1776, Dr. Benjamin Franklin and four companions stood on the Albany pier in New York's East River, watching their servants load the waiting sloop with baggage, food, blankets, folding beds, and a new saddle Franklin had purchased in Philadelphia.
Five men of disparate age, temperament, and experience, bound on a secret, highly sensitive mission to Canada on behalf of the Second Continental Congress. They had departed from Philadelphia on March 26, and a leisurely journey across New Jersey brought them to New York three days later. Franklin had written ahead to an old friend, William Alexander--a burly, energetic major general in the Continental Army who laid claim to an earldom in Scotland and styled himself Lord Stirling even in these egalitarian times, and who was now in charge of preparing the city's defenses against an expected attack by the British. The general found lodgings for them and arranged for a vessel to take them to Albany, the first major stop on what promised to be a long and arduous expedition.
During his five-day stay in the city, Franklin called on a Mrs. Barrow, whose husband remained a loyalist. To Franklin's sorrow, his illegitimate son William, who gained the respect he craved by his appointment as governor of New Jersey, announced his intention to stay loyal to the crown--a loyalty that had him just now under virtual house arrest and later took him to a Connecticut prison, where he remained for two years.
The doctor also had time to write Anthony Todd, an old friend in England, [at the Post Office] asking, "How long will the Insanity on your side [of] the Water continue?" before expressing his confidence in the outcome of the struggle. "The Breach between you and us grows daily wider and more difficult to heal," he observed, but "Britain without us can grow no stronger: Without her we shall become a tenfold greater and mightier People."
What were known as the Albany piers were located below the ferry slip where cattle from Long Island were landed, close by the fish market on Dock Street and Cruger's wharf at the foot of Wall Street--the thoroughfare that took its name from the protective wall bordering it, which marked the northernmost edge of the Dutch community. Here ships tied up after touching at major ports in the Atlantic and Mediterranean, as well as the West Indies and the coastal cities of North America. Flanking it on the other side was Whitehall slip, where ferries to and from Staten Island berthed
It was highly unusual for seventy-year-olds to become revolutionaries, but after striving for years to keep the ties between Britain and her American colonies intact, Franklin finally realized the hopelessness of his efforts and became one of the leading figures of the rebellion. He was, of course, far more--a man of such talents as is rarely seen and the embodiment of what would become the great American dream and its fulfillment, in which the bright, self-reliant youngster, through hard work, advances from rags to riches. Beginning life as the fifteenth child of a tallow chandler--a maker of soap and candles--he was apprenticed at the age of twelve to his brother, a printer, and at seventeen left home to seek (and find) fame and fortune in Philadelphia, and go on to become the most renowned of all his countrymen, an immensely creative figure whose life revealed how rich and varied human existence can be. His achievements even before 1776 boggled the mind: He was an essayist, master printer, journalist, publisher of the hugely popular Poor Richard's Almanack, and civic leader. He instigated programs to pave and illuminate Philadelphia's streets and founded the colonies' first circulating library, a hospital, the American Philosophical Society, a fire insurance company, an academy. He was the inventor of an efficient stove, the lightning rod, and, later, bifocal glasses. His interests were beyond all accounting: He studied eclipses, whirlwinds, ants, and the Gulf Stream, knew most of the prominent scientists and scholars of his day, became a farmer, and as deputy postmaster general established local mail delivery in the colonies. Although his formal education stopped at the second grade, he received honorary degrees from Harvard, William and Mary, and Yale, and a doctorate from the University of Edinburgh, after which he was always addressed as Dr. Franklin.
At the age of forty-two he retired from business with an income sufficient to support a variety of philanthropic careers for the rest of his life. As agent for several colonies--and as virtual ambassador for all thirteen--he spent eighteen years in England, returning in 1775, finally convinced that reconciliation with Britain was impossible, independence inevitable and essential.
The three commissioners--Franklin, Carroll, and Chase--appeared to have little in common beyond an abiding faith in the cause for which they were risking their lives and fortunes, but it seems likely that before they drifted off to sleep in their cramped quarters, with the waters of the Hudson lapping at the ship's sides, their thoughts turned to the mission and the question of whether it could possibly be consummated with any hope of success. The idea for their secret assignment had originally been suggested to Congress by Chase, and they had a flowery commission signed by John Hancock, the president of that body, endowing them with extraordinary authority. Their instructions, however, were as voluminous as they were improbable of achievement. Put briefly, the commissioners were to attempt to form a union with the people of Canada, Congress's hope being that Canada would become the fourteenth colony and fight side by side with Americans against the British crown, making a British attack from the north highly unlikely. The three men were given the widest latitude to bring this about: they were authorized to establish a free press, guarantee the Canadians religious freedom, encourage them to set up whatever form of government was most likely "to produce their Happiness," promote trade, resolve disputes between American troops and the Canadians, and exercise a host of other powers that would make Franklin and his group a de facto governing body of that country until "the pleasure of the Congress shall be known."
Read on! Click on the blue HTML link, from which page you can purchase on line, from Barnes & Noble.
by RICHARD M. KETCHUM. Henry Holt and Company, Inc.
(C) 1997 Richard M. Ketchum. ISBN: 0-8050-4681-X
1776: Franklin requests and receives Congress's permission to answer a personal letter from Lord Howe; writes, July 20: "Long did I endeavour with unfeigned and unwearied Zeal, to preserve from breaking, that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire."
Appointed by Congress to meet with Lord Howe*, September 11, on Staten Island; they [Franklin, John Adams & John Rutledge ( Manceron, p.370) ] are unable to conciliate English and American differences.[ LeMay]
*Manceron (p.371) states that General Howe had arranged a polite welcome and treated Franklin as an old friend from London; but, while he [Howe] was crossing the Atlantic, the signing of the Declaration of Independence had changed the while picture.
1776 A committee of five, consisting of Jefferson, John Adams, Franklin, Sherman, and Livingston, prepared a Declaration of Independence . The history of this transaction is well known. It was debated three days, and passed on the 4th of July, when the United States were declared to be, and became in fact, an independent nation.
About to sign the Declaration. "We must be unanimous," said Hancock; "there must be no pulling different ways; we must all hang together."
"Yes," replied Franklin, "we must, indeed, all hang together, or most assuredly we shall all hang separately." [!]
[Manceron (p.337) states that the Declaration was signed by John Hancock and the Secretary on July 4th, then by delegates of the United Colonies, from two to nine for each, around sixty all together, over a period of over a month.]
In the spring of 1776, the main body of the American army under General Washington was stationed at New York. General Howe arrived there with his army from Halifax in June, and he was soon after joined by his brother, Lord Howe, at the head of a fleet with troops from Europe. The two brothers had, been appointed commissioners. Lord Howe wrote a private and friendly letter to Dr. Franklin, evincing respect for his character, and an earnest desire that all the differences between the two countries might be accommodated in the way now proposed. It was answered by Dr. Franklin in a spirit not less friendly and respectful; but,.... he said, ... "it must give his Lordship pain to be sent so far on so hopeless a business." ..............The door to a negotiation being closed, the battle of Long Island was fought, in which General Sullivan was taken prisoner.
Franklin requests and receives Congress's permission to answer personal letter from Lord Howe; July 20: "Long did I endeavour with unfeigned and unwearied Zeal, to preserve from breaking, that fine and noble China Vase, the British Empire."
Appointed by Congress to meet with Lord Howe*, September 11, on Staten Island; they [Franklin, John Adams & John Rutledge ( Manceron, p.370) ] are unable to conciliate English and American differences.[ LeMay]
*Manceron (p.371) states that General Howe had arranged a polite welcome and treated Franklin as an old friend from London; but, while he [Howe] was crossing the Atlantic, the signing of the Declaration of Independence had changed the whole picture.
[Regarding foreign alliances] It was believed that France would not view with indifference the contest between England and her colonies, nor forego so good an opportunity of contributing to weaken the power of a rival. It was decided to make the first application to the court of France, and to proffer a commercial treaty, which should be mutually advantageous to the two countries.
Congress appointed three commissioners, Dr. Franklin, Silas Deane; and Arthur Lee, "to transact the business of the United States at the court of France." They were furnished with the draft of a treaty, credentials, and instructions. The members enjoined secrecy on themselves in regard to these proceedings. Silas Deane was already in France, having been sent thither as a commercial and political agent, instructed to procure munitions of war and forward them to the United States, and to ascertain, as far as he could, the views and disposition of the French court. Arthur Lee was in England. Franklin made immediate preparations for his voyage. He left Philadelphia on the 26th of October, [1776] accompanied by two of his grandsons, William Temple Franklin and Benjamin Franklin Bache. They passed the night at Chester, and the next day embarked on board the Continental sloop of war Reprisal, carrying sixteen guns, and commanded by Captain Wickes.
"Leaves Philadelphia and  sails for France October 27, taking grandsons William Temple Franklin (William's illegitimate son) and Benjamin Franklin Bache (eldest of Sarah's children). Lands at Auray December 3 and proceeds to Paris; meets secretly on December 28 with Comte de Vergennes, French foreign minister." [ LeMay]
[Manceron (p.371) tells us that, in the fall of 1776, the American 'Fleet' "numbers all of twenty two 4-gun frigates, 2 brigs, 2 sloops and 2 schooners, and that great effort was made to find Franklin a suitable [armed] vessel: The Reprisal, a merchantman designed for the tobacco trade, and that Franklin realised he ran the risk, if caught by the British, of being shot as a traitor to the crown.]
AFTER a boisterous passage of thirty days from the Capes of Delaware, the Reprisal came to anchor in Quiberon Bay, near the mouth of the Loire. While crossing the Gulf Stream, Dr. Franklin repeated the experiments which he had made on his last voyage from England, for ascertaining the temperature of the sea. The result was the same as he had then found it. The water was warmer in the Gulf Stream, than in other parts of the ocean. The sloop was sometimes chased by British cruisers, and Captain Wickes prepared for action; but he had been instructed to avoid an engagement if possible, and to proceed directly to the coast of France. Two days before he came in sight of land he took two prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, the other to Hull, laden with cargoes obtained in French ports.
The wind being contrary, Captain Wickes could not sail up the river to Nantes, the port to which he was bound. After a detention of four days in Quiberon Bay, Dr. Franklin was set on shore with his grandsons at the little town of Auray. Thence he travelled by land to Nantes, a distance of seventy miles, where he arrived on the 7th of December. [1776]
He sought repose for a short time at the country-seat of M. Gruel, near the town; From Nantes he wrote to the President of Congress.
"Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by it; but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able to undertake the journey to Paris..... I have despatched an express to Mr. Deane, with the letters that I had for him from the Committee, and a copy of our commission, that he may immediately make the proper inquiries, and give me information. In the mean time I find it generally supposed here, that I am sent to negotiate; ......"
He stayed eight days, at Nantes, and then set off for Paris, and reached that city on the 21st of December.
[Madame du Deffand's letter of 22 December; "Dr. Franklin arrived in town yesterday, at two o'clock in the afternoon; he slept the night before, at Versailles. He was accompanied by two of his grandsons, one seven years old, the other seventeen, and by his friend, M. Penet. He has taken lodgings in the Rue de l'Universite." —Lettres de la Marquise du Deffand a Horace Walpole, Tonm. III. p. 343.]
He found Mr. Deane there, and Mr. Lee joined them the next day, so that the commissioners were prepared to enter immediately upon their official duties. Shortly afterwards Dr. Franklin removed to Passy, a pleasant village near Paris, and took lodgings in a commodious house belonging to M. Leray de Chaumont, a zealous friend to the American cause. He remained at that place during the whole of his residence in France.
The history of his recent transactions in England, his bold and uncompromising defense of his country's rights, his examination before Parliament, and the abuse he bad received from the [British] ministers, were known everywhere,
By the effect which Franklin produced in France, one might say that he, fulfilled his mission, not with a court, but with a free people. Diplomatic etiquette did not permit him often to hold interviews with the ministers, but he associated with all the distinguished personages, who directed public opinion. ... before the second year of his mission had expired, no one conceived it possible to refuse fleets and an army to the compatriots of Franklin."
The Count de Vergennes was the minister of foreign affairs in the French cabinet, and from first to last the principal mover in what related to the American war. On the 28th of December, he admitted the commissioners to air audience at Versailles. They laid before him their commission and the plan of a treaty. He assured them, that they might depend on the protection of the court while they were in France; that due attention would be given to what they bad offered; and that all the facilities would be granted to American commerce and navigation in French ports, which were compatible with the treaties existing between France and Great Britain. By the advice of Count de Vergennes, they had an interview with Count d'Aranda, the Spanish ambassador, who promised to forward copies of their memorials to his court, which he said would act in concert with that of France.
WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 1776
A letter, of the 6th, from General Lee to Dr. [Benjamin] Franklin, which was brought to the Board of War, and by them opened, being laid before Congress and read.:[Note: Introducing a French engineer, Mr. Imbert.]
========
The Marine Committee to whom was referred the bringing in a plan for increasing the navy of the United States, brought in a report, which was taken in consideration; Whereupon,
Resolved, That there be immediately undertaken,
In New Hampshire,
1 ship of 74 guns,
In Massachusetts Bay,
1 ditto of 74 ditto, and
1 ditto of 36 ditto,
In Pennsylvania,
1 ditto of 74 ditto,
1 brig of 18 guns and a packet-boat;
In Virginia,
2 frigates of 36 ditto, each;
In Maryland,
2 ditto of 36 ditto each.
1777 Besieged with requests for introductions, the following illustrates Franklin's difficulty!
"_To -------- Lith
Sir, Passy near Paris, April 6. 1777
I have just been honoured with a letter from you, dated the 26th past, in which you express your self as astonished, and appear to be angry that you have no answer to a letter you wrote me of the 11th of December [1766], which you are sure was delivered to me. In Exculpation of my self, I assure you that I never receiv'd any Letter from you of that date. And indeed being then but 4 Days landed at Nantes, I think you could scarce have heard so soon of my being in Europe. But I receiv'd one from you of [on?] the 8th of January, which I own I did not answer. It may displease you if I give you the reason; but as it may be of use to you in your future correspondences, I will hazard that for a Gentleman to whom I feel myself oblig'd, as an American, on account of his Good Will to our Cause.
Whoever writes to a stranger should observe three points;
1. That what he proposes be practicable.
2. His Propositions should be made in explicit terms so as to be easily understood.
3. What he desires should be in itself reasonable.
Hereby he will give a favourable Impression of his understanding, and create a desire of further acquaintance.
Now it happen'd that you were negligent in all these points:
- First you desired to have means procur'd for you of taking v Voyage to America "avec surete"; which is not possible, as the dangers of the sea subsist always, and at present there is the additional danger of being taken by the English.
- Then you desire that this may be "sans trop grandes depenses", which is not intelligible enough to be answer'd, because not knowing your ability of bearing expences, one cannot judge what may be trop grandes.
-Lastly you desire Letters of Address to the Congress and to General Washington; which it is not reasonable to ask of one who knows no more of you than that your name is ---Lith, and that you live at Bayreuth.
I doubt not your being a Man of Merit; and knowing it yourself, you may forget that it is not known to every body; but reflect a moment, Sir, and you will be convinc'd, that if I were to practice giving Letters of Recommendation to persons of whose character I knew no more than I do of yours, my recommendations would soon be of no authority at all......" (Benjamin Franklin)
1777 "Among the seafaring men who found their way from America to Europe during the Revolution and entered the service of the commissioners was Samuel Nicholson, a brother of Captain James Nicholson.[ Defence] He received the commission of lieutenant in the Continental navy, and later that of captain. Nicholson was directed by Franklin, January 26, 1777, "to proceed to Boulogne and there purchase, on as good terms as possible, a cutter suitable for the purpose of being sent to America. . . . Should you miss of one at Boulogne, proceed to Calais and pursue the same directions. If you fail there, pass to Dover or Deal and employ a person there to make the purchase." (Wharton, ii, 254.) In pursuance of these instructions Nicholson got to England before meeting with success. Being in London he wrote to Captain Joseph Hynson, February 9, 1777: " I came to town 12 O'clock last Night, my Business are of such a nature wont bare putt to Paper. Shall say nothing more, but expect to see you Immediately. I shall leave Town early the Morrow Morning, therefore begg You will not loose A Minutes time in Coming here, as I have business of Importance for you, which must be transacted this Day." (Stevens, 9.)
A week later Nicholson and Hynson were in Dover together and there evidently purchased a cutter, which was called the Dolphin and was to be used as a packet. February 17, Nicholson sailed her over to Calais. Hynson still remained in Dover, but went over to France a few days later, apparently in a sloop which sailed the 22d. Lord North was promptly advised by one of his agents of the presence in England of these two Americans. Hynson was a brother-in-law of Captain Wickes,[ Reprisal] and was employed by Silas Deane in the mercantile affairs of the commissioners. His zeal for the American cause was unquestioned, but all the while he was secretly in the service of the British government. Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, an Englishman, was intimate with Hynson and drew much information from him, which from time to time he forwarded to London. A number of agents were employed who watched the movements of Wickes, Nicholson, and other captains, as well as of the American Commissioners in Paris, and reported the doings of Hortalez and Company, [Beaumarchais] the arrival of American vessels, and other items of news.
In October, [1777] Deane sent to Hynson a packet containing dispatches for Congress which were to be conveyed to America by a vessel [CHECK] commanded by Captain John Folger of Nantucket, about to sail from Havre. Hynson delivered the parcel to Folger as instructed, having first, however, removed the dispatches, which were turned over to British agents. In due time this transaction became known to Deane, who expressed his opinion of it in appropriate terms in a letter to Hynson. Upon his arrival in America, Folger was suspected of the theft, which was then first discovered, and he was kept in prison about six months. Deane was suspected by Arthur Lee, and this circumstance may have served to protect Hynson. These intercepted letters, together with those captured on the Lexington, gave the British a good deal of information about the American Commissioners' plans. Shortly before this another vessel with dispatches from Congress to the commissioners had narrowly escaped capture and the dispatches had been thrown overboard (Stevens, 51, 52, 53, 64, 165, 166, 167, 181, 193, 203, 205, 208, 269, 472; Wharton. ii, 468; Lee MSS., October 7, 1777, January 5,12,17, April 18,1778.)
In December, 1776, the Committee of Secret Correspondence had written to the commissioners in Paris that "Congress approve of armed vessels being fitted out by you on continental account, provided the court of France dislike not the measure, and blank commissions for this purpose will be sent you by the next opportunity. Private ships of war or privateers cannot be admitted where you are, because the securities necessary in such cases to prevent irregular practices cannot be given by the owners and commanders of such privateers." (Wharton, ii, 231.) But by the following May the views of Congress in this regard had undergone a change, and in response to a request of Franklin and his associates, "commissions for fitting out privateers in France" were sent (Wharton, ii, 249, 314. )
In addition to purchasing and fitting out the Dolphin and Surprise, whose service was very temporary, and the Revenge, the commissioners provided for three larger vessels during the year 1777. A frigate was built at Nantes, of five hundred and fifty tons and designed to carry twenty-four twelve-pounders, eight fours, and two sixes. This vessel was called the Deane, and when finished was commanded by Captain Samuel Nicholson. While she was under construction the Dolphin was kept at Paimboeuf, according to information furnished to Stormont, serving as a receiving ship, on board of which Nicholson held about seventy men, including a number of Englishmen, ready to be transferred to the Deane when finished; but this was denied by Sartine.
--------------------
In the spring of 1777 a privateer was fitted out in the port of Dunkirk, with Silas Deane taking an active part in the enterprise. The cruiser set sail, under the command of Captain Conyngham, and at once captured the Harwich packet-boat, plying between England and Holland, and sailed back in triumph, bringing her prize, with all on board, into Dunkirk. But this was too flagrant an infraction of the law of decency as well as neutrality. The capture of the packet created a panic in England; rates of insurance went up, boats running between Dover and Calais had to pay ten per cent, travellers were afraid to go to sea. The English minister remonstrated with his usual vehemence, and even Vergennes was angry. The cruiser was seized, and Captain Conyngham, who seems to have expected a triumphant reception after his successful trip, was thrown into jail; the packet, and a brig that Conyngham had also captured, were returned to the English, much to the chagrin of the captors. A few months later, Captain Conyngham was unlucky enough to be made a prisoner, and the English proposed to hang him as both a rebel and a pirate. The specific act charged against him was capturing the Harwich packet, having, as was alleged, no commission from [Congress] the United States government. Conyngham averred that he held a commission, which was probably true, but, unfortunately, this he had lost at the time the French government shut him up in jail at Dunkirk. Thus the capture of the packet, which had disturbed all England, very nearly cost the captain his neck. But Franklin and others asserted that be was a regularly commissioned officer, and the possibility of retaliation, more than any belief in the regularity of Conyngham's status, saved his life.
Franklin said when Conyngham was captured, "He has done so much harm to the enemy that he can expect no mercy at their hands."
[qf. France in the Revolution, Ch. VIII ]
1777 The commissioners were furnished by Congress, in the first place, with the plan of a treaty of commerce, which they were to propose to the French government. They were likewise instructed to procure from that court, at the expense of' the United States, eight line-of-battle ships, well manned and fitted for service; to borrow money; to procure and forward military supplies; and to fit out armed vessels under the flag of the United States, provided the French court should not disapprove this measure. They were, moreover, authorized to ascertain the views of other European powers, through their ambassadors in France, and to endeavour to obtain from them a recognition of the independence and sovereignty of the United States and to enter into treaties of amity and commerce with such powers, if opportunities should present themselves.
[Note: April - June 1777, Harriot, Falmouth packet, was (only then) arming. The American War of Independence started in October 1775.
A million of livres had already been secretly advanced to Beaumarchais for this purpose. Munitions of war to a large amount were purchased by him, in part with this money, and in part with such other means as he could command. By an arrangement with Mr. Deane, he shipped these articles to the United States, and Congress was to pay for them by remitting tobacco and other American produce. Before the commissioners arrived, Mr. Deane had procured, on these conditions, thirty thousand fusils, two hundred pieces of brass cannon, thirty mortars, four thousand tents, clothing for thirty thousand men, and two hundred tons of gunpowder. They were shipped in different vessels, the most of which arrived safety in the United States.
The French government did not grant the ships of war requested by Congress [not being yet prepared openly to espouse the cause of the Americans, which would necessarily bring on a war with England.]
It was reported to the commissioners, that American prisoners, who had been captured at sea, were treated with unjustifiable, severity in England that some of them were compelled to enter the [British] navy and fight against their friends, and that others were sent to the British settlements in Africa and Asia. They wrote to Lord Stormont, suggesting an exchange of seamen [ref: to  Cartels, boats employed in the exchange of prisoners] thus captured for an equal number of British prisoners, who had been brought into France by an American cruiser. His Lordship did not condescend to return an answer. They wrote again, and drew from him the following laconic reply. "The King's ambassador receives no applications from rebels, unless the come to implore his Majesty's mercy. The paper, containing this piece of insolence, was sent back. "In answer to a letter," say they, "which concerns some of the most material interests of humanity, and of the two nations, Great Britain and the United States, we received the enclosed indecent paper, which we return for your Lordship's more mature consideration." The British ministry, however, did not long uphold the arrogance of their ambassador. The number of captures made at sea by the American cruisers soon convinced them of the policy, if not of the humanity, of exchanging prisoners, according to the common usage of nations at war.
Franklin recommended without reluctance or reserve, and he afterwards had the satisfaction of finding, in common with the whole American people, that his judgment was not deceived, nor his hopes disappointed. In a letter to Congress, signed by him and Mr. Deane, they say; "The Marquis de Lafayette, [a Freemason] a young* nobleman of great family connexions here, and great wealth, is gone to America in a ship of his own, accompanied by some officers of distinction, in order to serve in our armies. He is exceedingly beloved, and everybody's good wishes attend him. We cannot but hope he may meet with such a reception as will, make the country and his expedition agreeable to him. Those, who censure it as imprudent in him, do nevertheless applaud his spirit; and we are satisfied, that the civilities and respect, that may be shown him, will be serviceable to our affairs here, as pleasing not only to his powerful relations and to the court, but to the whole French nation. He has left a beautiful young wife, and, for her sake particularly, we hope that his bravery and ardent desire to distinguish himself will be a little restrained by the General's prudence, so as not to permit his being hazarded much, except on some important occasion."
Result?
George Washington, December 4, 1777, General Orders
Head Quarters, White Marsh, December 4, 1777.
The troops are constantly to have one day's provision's on hand, ready cooked. The officers are to pay particular attention to this, and consider it as a standing rule, that if they are suddenly called to arms the men may not be distressed.
Major General, The Marquis La Fayette is to take the command of the division lately commanded by General Stephen.
Lafayette, Marquis de (1754-1834)
The American Declaration of Independence inspired Lafayette to buy a ship and sail to America without official permission from France in 1777. In America, he became an unpaid volunteer on George Washington's staff. He participated in the Battle of Brandywine in 1777 and soon became a major general. While spending the winter in Valley Forge, he became close friends with Washington. He continued to have military commands in 1778, but in 1779 went back to France to advocate the American cause. He returned in 1780 bearing the news to Washington that the Comte de Rochambeau would bring French troops to assist him. Lafayette next went to Virginia, where he battled Cornwallis until Cornwallis retreated to Yorktown. After Yorktown, Lafayette was the "diplomatic aide-de-camp" to Benjamin Franklin in Paris and continued to voice American interests to the French government. Lafayette had an illustrious and tumultuous political career in France during the French Revolution, the Reign of Terror, Napoleon, and the Restoration Era, throughout which he defended his concept of liberty. [Qf. Spy letters of the American Revolution, from the collection of the Clement's Library - see their Timeline (1763-1783) ]
Both Lafayette and von Steuben were Freemasons before they arrived to help fight the British. This was true of Lafayette even though he wasn't 21 years of age when he arrived in America. [Qf. Northern Light - a useful site contradicting Myths about Freemasonry]
Q. Who gave George Washington a beautiful Masonic Apron which he wore while laying the Cornerstone of the National Capitol?
A. Brother, Marquis de Lafayette*
* The (Grand Lodge of Pennsylvanis) Museum, founded in 1908, has one of the finest collections of Masonic treasures in the world. Some of these include:Bro. George Washington's Masonic Apron, embroidered by Madame Lafayette**, which was presented to the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania in 1829 by the Washington Benevolent Society; two letters in Washington's own hand addressed to his Masonic Brethren; Brother Benjamin Franklin's Masonic Sash, worn in 1782, when he was Venerable (Worshipful Master) of the Loge des Neuf Soeurs (Lodge of the Nine Sisters or Muses) in Paris, and when he Guided Brother Voltaire.
[Baron Fredrick von Stuben, like Lafayette, was a Freemason. Dates/Lodge(s)?]
** " The only documented apron owned by Washington was one presented by the firm of Watson and Cassoul. It had been made by nuns at Nantes. It was the only apron listed in Washington's inventory that was released after his death. No other apron was ever mentioned in the writings of the first President of the United States." [An apparent contradiction of the statement of the Grand Lodge of PA, published amongst Myths and Facts, by Northern Light, author of G. Washington: Master Mason, - who goes on to say: Nowhere in the 1,005 page volume of Lafayette in America by Louis Gottschalk is there any reference to this apron. Gottschalk does tell us of Lafayette's Masonic affiliations, however.]
Madame Lafayette (Marie-Adrienne-Francoise de Noailles, 15-year old daughter of Jean-Paul-Francois de  Noailles, Duc d'Ayen, Lord of the principality of Tingry) married Marie-Paul-Yves-Roch-Gilbert du Motier, (*then 17 years old), the Marquis de La Fayette, in the private chapel of the Noailles mansion, " the main courtyard accommodates 40 coaches" on the Rue Saint-Honore in Paris, on 11 April, 1774.
La Fayette had lost his father "to an English shell, [at Niedersachsen, Germany, in the Battle of Hastenbeck" [Seven Year's War, 1756-1763, also called the French and Indian War)] at the age of two (1757), and his mother died in 1770.
The marriage was brokered by his grandfather and the couple became engaged when La Fayette was aged but 12 years!
Adrienne miscarried in July 1775. Gilbert was made a Captain at sixteen, his father-in-law having prevailed upon the Queen through the Duchesse de Mouchy (Gilbert's great-aunt) to put him in charge of a company of 80 in the Noailles Dragoons Regiment, in the army garrison in Metz, whence his new brother-in-law, (Marechal de Noialles) became his footman; "a fellow much superior to the ordinary run of servants" said Gilbert in a letter to his wife (Noialles' sister) in Paris.
Manceron describes La Fayette: "His manner was always awkward, he was very tall, with bright red hair *; he was a clumsy dancer, a poor rider." [Manceron describes La Fayette as a 'clown of an army captain' - one can imagine George Washington's reaction, when first meeting him, whilst evacuating New York. *See portrait of Lafayette - an " honorary member of Alexandria -Washington Lodge #22" - which site tells us that "The apron was embroidered by Nuns in a Convent in Nantes at the request of two Brother Masons, Messrs. Watson and Cassoul, who operated a trading company between France and the United States. The Apron was sent to Washington and he acknowledged its receipt by letter to the two gentlemen. "
On another of the Lodge's pages, Lafayette's admiration for Washington is illustrated, by the gift of two keys to the Bastille; the first delivered by Thomas Paine, in 1790 and the second, in 1824, in person, and, notably, by naming his son George Washington LaFayette.
La Fayette and his wife were invited by the Marshall commanding of the regional army in Metz, the Duke de Broglie III, to dine, on 8 August, 1775, with HRH the Duke of Gloucester, his wife (illegitimate daughter of Edward Walpole), child and retinue. The Duke was the King (George III) of England's brother, and had just "chosen to exile himself."
La Fayette was stunned at the open hostility to his brother, which he expressed in fluent French."
"Do you realise, that England is about to lose her colonies? ... we have no right to tax them without their consent. Charles I ignored it and lost the throne, as well as his head: No taxation without consent. We've tried to play cat-and-mouse with them for ten years. Why did we have to maintain the quasi-symbolic tax on tea, just to humiliate them?.... A congress in Philadelphia have appointed a general to lead them,... George Washington,[then Colonel]now he's going to give us trouble. By 'us' I mean those scoundrels in my brother's government."
Freedom is the issue, the word [which, on that memorable occasion] fired La Fayette's imagination.
Lafayette's emergence in history dates from this August 8, 1775. (Manceron, p. 242) - three months after Colonel George Washington of Virginia, arrived in Philadelphia, on 9 May 1775, to encourage the raising of an arm: " Virginia will offer 300 acres and a slave to anyone who enlists". (p.247)
Dr. Franklin had been ten months in France before the court of Versailles manifested any disposition to engage openly in the American contest. The opinion of the ministers was divided on this subject. Count de Vergennes and Count Maurepas, the two principal ministers, were decidedly in favor of a war with England, and of bringing it on by uniting with the Americans. In the campaign of 1777, the losses of the preceding year were more than retrieved. The capture of Burgoyne's army, and the good conduct of the forces under General Washington in Pennsylvania, gave sufficient evidence that the Americans were in earnest, and that they wanted neither physical strength nor firmness of purpose. On the 4th of December, an express arrived in Paris from the United States, bringing the news of the capture of Burgoyne and the battle of Germantown. The commissioners immediately communicated this intelligence to the French court. Two days afterwards, M. Gerard, the secretary of the King's Council, called on Dr. Franklin at Passy, and said he had come, by order of Count de Vergennes and Count Maurepas, to congratulate the commissioners on the success of their countrymen, and to assure them that it gave great pleasure, at Versailles. After some conversation, he advised them to renew their proposition for a treaty.
Harriot Pacquet, Lee (Acting under Oake) has arrived there [New York?] after an engagement with a privateer. Whereas Capt. Lee and seven of his men were killed and 9 wounded, Post-Office paid Capt. Oake £222-5-1d for damage received on 16 September, 1776. ( Lloyds List 20 December, 1776) [Note: Phil A/4/1, Courtney Library, Truro, lists Harriot sailing for New York on 4 September,1776 and returning 1 March,1777 ,"Lee (Acting) under Oake" - thus this payment seems to have been for damage sustained on the voyage, in which Lee was killed.]
1777 British defeated at Saragota
 Extract of a letter from Brussels dated 9th June, 1777. " Mr. Cunningham, Captain of the American Privateer Surprize, hath sent from Dunkirk to Dr. Franklin at Paris, the mail with the letters from London of 29th April last, which he took in the Prince Orange packet-boat, Captain Storey, which Dr. Franklin, having with Mr. Dean, opened, read the greatest part of the letters contained in it. [Sherborne Mercury 23 June,1777]
 Letter received from General Howe to Lord Germain was received the 28th of October by the Swallow (Falmouth) packet from Maryland.
 "Camp at head of Elk, Aug. 30th, 1777. My Lord, the Duplicates of your Lordship's Dispatches No. 10, 11 & 12, with an original No. 13, I had the honour to receive on the 16th inst. (August) by the Eagle packet. My last dispatches advised embarkation of the army at Staten Island on 23rd July and arrived off the Capes of Delaware on 30th. I proceeded to Chesapeake Bay; but with constant unfavourable winds, we did not enter the Bay until 16th inst.. (August)" - (From) His Excellency, Sir William Howe, K.B., General & Commander-in-Chief, etc. Robert Mackenzie, Secretary. [Qf. Sherborne Mercury of 3 November, 1777 (qqf. The London Gazette Nov.)]
 Letter (3 Cols.) from Howe to Germain dated Germantown 10 October, 1777. Major Cuyler, First Aide de Camp to Sir William Howe, arrived from Philadelphia on Harriot packet-boat, Spargo, at Falmouth 4 Dec. "From Philadelphia" - she brought return of killed and wounded at Germantown on 4th October, and killed & wounded at Brandywine versus the rebels on 11th September, 1777. [SM 8/12/1777:]
"To Lebegue de Presle, Passy, Oct. 4 1777
Sir,
"I have never entered into any controversy in defence of my philosophical opinions; I leave them to take their chance in the world. If they are right, Truth and Experience will support them. If wrong, they ought to be refuted and rejected. Disputes are apt to sour ones temper and disturb one's quiet. I have no private Interest in the reception of my inventions by the world, having never made nor proposed to make the least profit by any of them. The King's changing his pointed conductors for blunt ones is therefore a matter of small importance to me. If I had a wish about it, it would be that he had rejected them altogether as ineffectual, For it is only since he thought himself and family safe from the Thunder of Heaven, that he dared to use his own Thunder in destroying his innocent [American] subjects"
(Benjamin Franklin)
1778 France declared war on Britain. Spain allied with the 13 States
"General Burgoyne and his army were forced to surrender at Saratoga, it was I who carried this interesting news to Nantes, where I arrived December 2, 1777" - [The news was instrumental in the French deciding to become involved with the American cause]
During the first two months after his arrival, Jones spent much time in Paris, conferring with the American Commissioners. His views of sound American policy, which was to attack defenseless seaports of the enemy and to cruise, in squadrons if possible, against his commerce in his own waters, where it was concentrated, rather than attempt to cope with an overwhelming naval power; to destroy the greatest amount of property in the shortest time, striking quickly and unexpectedly, rather than attempt to send in prizes at too great risk of recapture. This policy was less pleasing to those under him, whose first thought was of prize money (Sands, 72-76, 311.)..... April 10 she sailed on a cruise in British waters. On the 14th, between Scilly and Cape Clear, a brigantine was taken and sunk, and on the 17th, off Dublin, a ship was captured which Jones sent back to Brest. The events of the following week, during which the Ranger cruised about the Isle of Man and the adjacent shores of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the neighborhood of Jones's early life, added much to his naval reputation (For this cruise of the Ranger, see Sands, 79-98; Sherburne, 44-64; Green's Diary; Scribner's Mag., July, 1898; Jones MSS.; Log of Ranger.)
About the end of September, the privateer Vengeance arrived at Corunna. . The Vengeance was a twenty-gun brig from Newburyport commanded by Captain Newman; she sailed from Cape Ann August 16. About two weeks after leaving port the Vengeance ran into a West India fleet and was chased out again by two frigates. "On the 17th of September," says Captain Newman, "in Latt. 49 N. and Long. 20 West, fell in with the Ship Harriot Packet, of sixteen guns and forty-five men, Capt. Sampson Sprague, from Falmouth bound to New York, which, after a small resistance, struck. I man'd her and ordered her for Newbury-Port. And, on the 21st of the same month fell in with the Snow Eagle Packet, from New York bound to Falmouth, Commanded by Edward Spence, mounting fourteen carriage guns and sixty men including some officers of the British army, which, after an engagement of about twenty minutes, was obliged to strike to us, which I likewise ordered for Newbury-Port. Col. Howard of the 1st Regiment of Guards was killed and several other officers, and a number wounded. Lucky for me, not one man killed or wounded except myself, by a musket ball in my thigh . . . Among the passengers was four Colonels, three Majors, one Cornet of dragoons . . . I have delivered my prisoners to the British Commissary residing here, taking his receipt for the same, obligating him to return a like number of American prisoners of equal rank." (Boston Post, January 9, 1779.) This letter was dated October 4 at Corunna.
Possibly the feeling aroused over the arrival of these prisoners of rank in the British army and protests made to the Spanish government may have had something to do with Conyngham's inhospitable reception [on Revenge, with a Continental commission of May 2,1777] about the time (Boston Gazette, January 11, 1779; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 227 (August 16, 1779); Hist. Man. Com., Amer. MSS. in Royal Inst., i, 807 (October 1, 1778, declaration of British consul at Coruna as to Newman's prisoners.). ....Privateering continued active, and British commerce suffered severely from American enterprise of this kind. The Continental Congress issued one hundred and twenty-nine commissions to privateers in 1778, an increase of sixty over the previous year, and doubtless large numbers continued to be commissioned by the different states (Naval Records (calendar), 217-495, list of Continental letters of marque.)..
The recall of the British ambassador from France in March, 1778, was followed by preparations for war between the two nations. The French collected a fleet at Brest under the command of the Comte d'Orvilliers and another at Toulon under the Comte d'Estaing. D'Estaing sailed from Toulon April 13, taking passengers M. Gerard, the first minister plenipotentiary of France to the United States, and Silas Deane, recalled by Congress to explain his transactions in France. The fleet passed Gibraltar over a month later and arrived off the Delaware capes on July 7. D'Estaing had eight ships of seventy-four or more guns, three sixty-fours, one fifty, and five frigates (Almon, vi, 122; Schomberg, iv, 331, 338; Sands, 75, 311; Mahan, 350, 359, 360; United Service, October, 1905, "D'Estaing's campaign"; Stopford- Sackville MSS., 110; Channing, iii, 288,298.).
D'Estaing sailed for New York with the intention of entering the harbor and attacking Howe. He arrived off Sandy Hook July 11, but did not go inside. He was told by all the pilots he consulted that his heavier ships could not pass over the bar. He offered a hundred and fifty thousand francs to any pilot who would take him inside, but no one volunteered. D'Estaing, aboard the Languedoc 90-guns remained off Sandy Hook eleven days, and is said to have then captured twenty British vessels bound into New York. July 22 he sailed for Newport. On 12 August the Languedoc was disabled in a gale and limped to Newport on 20th, leaving again on 22nd for repairs in Boston, where she arrived on August 28th. D'Estaing's fleet left Boston for the West Indies on November 4, arriving at Martinique December 9th..
In Boston Harbor about the middle of December were the Continental frigates Warren, Providence, Boston, Deane, and Queen of France. All except the first of these vessels had come from France during the year. There was likewise in port the new frigate Alliance, built at Salisbury on the Merrimac River and fitting out for her first voyage. Of the frigates the Deane was fully manned and ready for sea: The others would have been nearly so, if Privateering had not made it practically impossible, without great delay, to get men for their crews (Publ. R. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 255, 256; Brit. Adm. Rec., A.D. 489, No. 19, December 20, 1778, intelligence collected for Admiral Gambier.) These six frigates represented almost the entire strength of the Continental navy in commission in American waters at the end of 1778.
London Nov. 19. Orders are given for two packets for the New York station to be built as soon as possible in the room of (Harriot & Eagle) [Sherborne Mercury, 23 November,1778]
 SM 19/1/1778: The manner which the Captain of the Eagle, [Falmouth to] New York packet was taken prisoner, was as follows: On sailing down the Delaware, the Eagle got foul of a transport, and received some damage, to repair which, some ironwork was necessary; the Captain therefore, with the ship's Armorer and Cook, went on shore at Newcastle, in order to get the use of a forge, for the Armourer to work at repairing the iron; whilst they were on shore, a party of Light Horse, who were out foraging, came to Newcastle, and it is supposed were informed of their being on shore; they came to the place they were at, and tapping the Captain on the shoulder, asked who he belonged to; this sudden question disconcerted him, as he told them he was the Captain of the packet, on which they took him into custody; the same questions being put to the Armourer, who was at his work, and the Cook, who was at the bellows, blowing the fire, they answered boldly, they belonged to the town, which satisfied the Americans, who went off, taking the Captain with them behind one of the horsemen.
 January 1778, Capt Charles Flynn of Weymouth [Falmouth packet] and Capt. William Nichols of Eagle [Falmouth packet] are prisoners of the rebels - please arrange exchange or release. [Qf. Post Office Archives, Post 1. 10, (p.255)]
 Capt. Nichols was captured by a party of rebels light horse while ashore at Newcastle (at the head of Delaware estuary, South of New York) to get ironwork caused by a collision during a gale in Delaware - please exchange or release.. [Post 1. vol. 10, 2/2/1778]
Thus, it would appear that Eagle packet was released, however, Eagle was later taken, in September,1778, Capt. Nichols received £3,417-6-0d after capture and transferred to Swift (Post Office owned packet). PHIL A/4/1 Courtney Library, Truro. [Qf. Post 1.11.] (Accounts follow)
 Letter from Falmouth, 16th July; last Sunday the late coxswain of the Le Dispencer packet-boat, Pond, arrived here and gives account of (being) taken by two American privateers of 16 guns each, off the island of Bermudas (sic) about a month since. He and several crew were put from one of the privateers on board a Dane, who landed them near this port. The Captain and rest of the crew are sent in the packet to New London. [ SM 20/7/1778]
A memorial, prepared by Dr. Franklin, was signed by the commissioners and presented to Count de Vergennes; and, on the 12th, [January 1778] by the appointment of that minister, a meeting took place at Versailles between Count de Vergennes and M. Gerard on one part, and the American commissioners on the other, for the purpose of discussing the preliminaries of a treaty. ...the draft of a treaty, which they bad brought from Congress. The minister remarked, that the relations between France and Spain were of such a nature, as to render it necessary to consult his Catholic Majesty before a treaty could be concluded, and to give him an opportunity to join in it if he should think proper; and that a courier would be immediately despatched to Spain, who would be absent three weeks. Before this time expired, M. Gerard called again on the commissioners, and told them that the King, by the advice of his Council, had determined to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce with them. This would probably lead to a war with England, yet the King would not ask, or expect, any compensation for the expense or damage he might sustain on that account. The only condition required by him would be, that the United States should not give up their independence in any treaty of peace they might make with England, nor return to their subjection to the British government.
The King of Spain was not disposed to take any part in the business. The negotiators then proceeded without more delay, and their work was soon completed. In its essential articles the treaty was the same as the one that had been proposed by Congress.
The French minister produced the draft of another treaty, called a Treaty of Alliance. The objects of this treaty were in some respects of much greater importance than those of the former. It was to take effect only in case of a rupture between France and England; and it was designed to explain the duties of the two contracting parties in prosecuting the war, and to bind them to certain conditions.
The first stipulation was, that, while the American war continued, both parties should make it a common cause, and aid each other as good friends and allies. To maintain effectually the liberty, sovereignty, and independence of the United States, was declared to be the essential and direct end of' the alliance. It was agreed, that, if the Americans should gain possession of any of the British territories in the northern parts of the continent, not included within the limits of the Thirteen States, such territories should belong to the United States. If the French King should conquer any of the British Islands in or near the Gulf of Mexico, they were to be retained by him. The contracting parties also agreed, that neither of them should conclude a truce or peace with Great Britain, without the consent of the other being first obtained; and they mutually engaged not to lay down their arms, until the independence of the United States should be assured by the treaty or treaties, which should terminate the war. The United States guarantied to the King of France all the possessions he then held in America, as well as those he should acquire by the treaty of peace; and the King guarantied to the United States their liberty, sovereignty, and independence, and all their possessions, and such acquisitions as they should gain by conquest from the dominions of Great Britain in America. In both these treaties it was the aim of the parties to adjust every point, as nearly as it could be done, upon principles of exact equality and reciprocity.
The commercial treaty granted reciprocal privileges of trade; and each party was at liberty to grant the same privileges to any other, nation. By the treaty of alliance the United States secured the very great advantage of the whole power of France on their side, till their independence should be confirmed by a treaty of peace. The equivalent expected by France for this use of her means, and for the losses: and expenses she might incur in the war, was the separating of the colonies from the mother country, thereby striking a heavy blow upon Great Britain; and also a due share of the profits of the American trade, the whole of which had hitherto been poured into the lap of England, increasing her wealth and enlarging her power. She made no provision for obtaining acquisitions on the American continent, either by conquest or cession, not even Canada and the Islands in the SL Lawrence, which had been taken from her by the English in the last war. On the contrary, she disavowed, in the most positive terms, all intention of seeking such conquest or accepting such cession; and it may be added, that her conduct during the war and at the peace was in perfect accordance with this declaration.
The two treaties were signed at Paris on the 6th of February, 1778. They were sent to America by a special messenger, and were immediately ratified by Congress. On the 20th of March, the American commissioners were introduced to the King at Versailles, and they, took their place at court as the representatives of an independent power. From that time both Franklin and the other American commissioners attended the court at Versailles, on the same footing as the ambassadors of the European powers.
The French ambassador in London informed the British ministry, that a treaty of amity and commerce had been concluded between France and the United States. This was considered tantamount to a declaration of war, and Lord Stormont was directed to withdraw from Paris. Anticipating this event, the court of Versailles had already begun to prepare for hostilities. A squadron was fitted out at Toulon, under the command of Count d'Estaing, which sailed from that port for America about the middle of April. M. Gerard and Mr. Deane were passengers on board the admiral's ship. The former went out as minister to the United States; the latter bad been recalled, in consequence of the agreements be bad entered into with French officers for their serving in the American army, by which Congress had been much embarrassed. His successor was Mr. John Adams, who arrived in Paris just at the time of Mr. Deane's departure.
The British ministers were now convinced, that the contest was likely to be of longer duration and more serious than they had apprehended. There was little doubt that Spain would soon follow the example of France. A reconciliation with the Americans, therefore, on such terms as would comport with the dignity of Parliament and the interests of the crown, was a thing most ardently to be desired. After warm debates in Parliament, it was resolved to despatch commissioners to treat with Congress, invested with such powers as, it was fondly hoped, would insure their success.
Falmouth 20 July, By the Harriet (sic) packet, arrived from Philadelphia the day before yesterday, [18th July] which place she left on 23rd June, brings an account that the whole of Gen. Howe's army left that place on 22nd, which was taken possession of by the rebel troops; as many of the inhabitants as chose came away with the fleet, with most of their effects (having been allowed free passage to England by H. M. proclamation), which with ships of war, transports and merchantmen amounted to 350 sail; The packet parted with them in their passage to New York. Lord Cornwallis, Lord Carlisle, Governor Johnston and the Hon William Eden Esq., arrived at New York on Trident 64-guns, on June 9th, 1778, with Commissioners to the Congress. [ Sherborne Mercury 27 July, 1778]
In the mean time other measures were put in operation to effect the same end through the instrumentality of secret agents. Their advances were chiefly made to Dr. Franklin. Even before the treaties were signed, an emissary of this description appeared in Paris, who endeavoured to obtain from him propositions, which he might carry back to England. This was Mr. Hutton, secretary to the Society of Moravians; an old friend, for whom he had great esteem; a grave man, advanced in years, respected for his virtues, and possessing the confidence of persons in power.
Mr. Hutton was followed by Mr. William Pulteney, a member of Parliament, who assumed in Paris the name of Williams, and who was understood to have come from Lord North, although not invested with any official character. He held a long conversation with Dr. Franklin, and presented to him a paper containing the outlines of a treaty. Franklin told him at once, that every plan of reconciliation implying a voluntary return of the United States to a dependence on Great Britain was now become impossible. "I sincerely wish as much for peace as you do, and I have enough remaining of good will for England to wish it for her sake as well as for our own, and for the sake of humanity. In the present state of things, the proper means of obtaining it, in my opinion, are, to acknowledge the independence of the United States, and then enter at once into a treaty with us for a suspension of arms, with the usual provisions relating to distances; and another for establishing peace, friendship, and commerce, such as France has made."
Mr. David Hartley, likewise a member of Parliament was next employed on a similar mission. He had opposed all the measures of government in relation to the American war; but his character was so high and honorable, that he was confided in by both parties. An intimate friendship between him and Dr. Franklin, formed while the latter resided in England, had been preserved ever since by a correspondence on public and private affairs. His benevolence and philanthropy were eminently manifested during the war, by the lively interest he took in the condition of the American prisoners in England. He visited them often, collected money by subscription for their relief, interceded with the ministers in their behalf, and used his unremitted efforts at various times to procure their exchange. He was very properly selected, therefore, as a suitable person to elicit Dr. Franklin's views on the subject of a reconciliation. On the point of leaving Paris, he wrote a note to Dr. Franklin, in which he said; "If tempestuous times should come, take care of your own safety; events are uncertain, and men are capricious."
"I thank you for your kind caution," said Franklin in reply; "but, having nearly finished a long life, I set but little value upon what remains of it.
A more formidable advance was made soon after by a secret agent under a fictitious name. It was now thought proper to mingle threats with persuasion. Dr. Franklin received a long letter dated at Brussels, and signed Charles de Weissenstein, which sketched not only a plan of reconciliation, ....[but] ..if his Majesty should think fit to summon it; the distinguished men, like Franklin, Washington, and Adams, were to have offices or pensions for life; and perhaps there would be an American peerage, by which honorary rewards would be duly distributed.
There was little doubt in Franklin's mind, that this agent was in Paris, although his letter was dated at Brussels. He had good reason for believing, that [Weissenstein] acted by [under] the direction of the British ministry, and he framed his answer accordingly.....[including]..
"personal flatteries, general cajolings, and panegyrics on our virtue and wisdom are not likely to have the effect you seem to expect."
Having now been in France eighteen months, Dr. Franklin had attracted around him a large number of personal friends. Among these were Turgot, Buffon, D'Alembert, Condorcet, La Rochefoucauld, Vicq d'Azyr, Cabanis, Le Roy, Morellet, Raynal, Mably, and many others, who were conspicuous in the political, scientific, and literary circles of the great metropolis of France. He was often present at the meetings of the Academy, where he was honored with every mark of consideration and respect. When Voltaire came to Paris for the last time, to be idolized and to die, he expressed a desire to see the American philosopher. An interview took place. Voltaire accosted him in English, and pursued the conversation in that language. Madame Denis interrupted him by saying, that Dr. Franklin understood French, and that the rest of the company wished to know the subject of their discourse. "Excuse me, my dear," he replied, "I have the vanity to show that I am not unacquainted with the language of a Franklin."
1778
7 April: Franklin assists at the initiation of Voltaire in Masonic Lodge of the Nine Sisters.
28 November: Franklin officiates at Masonic funeral services for Voltaire. [ LeMay]
The business of the commissioners continued nearly the same as it had been before the treaty of alliance. There was more to be done in maritime affairs, because American vessels were then freely admitted into the French ports. Cases of capture and of the sale of prizes were referred to them for their decision. With the loans obtained from the French government and comparatively small remittances from America, they were enabled to refit public vessels, purchase military supplies for the army and navy of the United States, contribute to the relief of American prisoners in England, and pay the drafts of Congress. In all these transactions Dr. Franklin found an able, zealous, and active coadjutor [co-adjudicator?] in Mr. Adams.
 Phil A/2/1: Harriot taken 18/9/1778 & [crew & passengers] carried into Corunna. Capt. Spargo received £3,515-14-1d and was appointed to Speedy (18 August, 1779) a new Post-Office owned packet.
 [Letter from PMG Carteret & Le Dispencer to the Treasury]
 Petition by Capt. Spargo of Harriot together with his officers & crew, on March 1st. 1778, they seized and took Sea Nymph, belonging to the rebels, 120 tons carrying gunpowder etc. & dry goods, and carried her into New York where she was condemned to His Majesty's use on April 15th. Captain Spargo was Mate of Harriot when Captain Lee was killed and saved the boat when attacked by a rebel Privateer of 12 guns and more than 100 men and he saved the mail and despatches. Please make representations for him.[Post 1, 10, p.298, 5/8/1778]
 SM 26/10/1778: Accounts are just received at the Post-Office that the Harriot packet-boat, with the September mail from New York was attacked and taken on the 18th of September in lat. 49, Long. 22, by the Vengeance American privateer carrying 20 six-pounders. One man was killed and 15 were wounded on board the Harriot.
 SM 26/10/1778: Intelligence is likewise received at the Post-Office, that the Eagle packet-boat from New York was attacked on 21st September in Lat. 51.26 and Long. 19.27 by the same privateer. Col. Howard, a passenger and one more was killed on board the Eagle and six men wounded. The crews of the above packets were put on shore at Corunna [N.W. Spain], and the packet-boats were sent to Newport in North America.[Rhode Island] The mails, with the letters, were thrown overboard.
 SM 2/11/1778: Extract from a letter from Falmouth, October 26th. Arrived here, a Spanish brig from Corunna which brought the Captains and crews of the Harriot and Eagle packet-boats, which were taken by an American privateer and carried into Corunna. His Majesty's Consul hired this vessel to bring them to Falmouth.
 SM 9/11/1778: Extract of a letter from Corunna dated Oct. 3. "On the 29th of last month, the Vengeance American privateer 20 guns arrived here and brought on board 20 English land Officers [Army],16 Sea Officers, 62 sailors and one Lady, whom they had taken prisoners in seizing two English packets; the Harriot, Captain Sparge (sic) [Spargo], going to New York, and the Eagle, Captain Spencer from New York to Falmouth, both of which they sent to Boston. After they had made these prizes, they met a fleet of 50 convoyed by four ships of the line. "
 SM 9/11/1778: Clinton's dispatches lost on Eagle, [were] dated Sandy Hook August 18th, 24th and September 12th, 1778.
 SM 23/11/1778: London Nov. 19. Orders are given for two packets for the New York station to be built as soon as possible in the room of those taken by the Americans; they are to carry 20 guns each, besides swivels, and 80 men, exclusive of officers, etc.
Both Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams had represented to Congress the inexpediency of employing three commissioners in a service, the duties of which might be discharged with equal facility and at less expense by one. In conformity with this suggestion, Dr. Franklin was appointed minister plenipotentiary to the court of France on the 14th of September. The commission was dissolved, and Mr. Adams returned to America. Mr. Lee stayed some time longer, holding nominally a commission to Spain, but never going to that court.
In justice to his memory, as well as gratitude for the great services he rendered to his country, some of the particulars should be stated in regard to the means that were used to embarrass his proceedings and injure his character. Among those, who took upon themselves this unworthy task, the most active and persevering was Mr. Arthur Lee. This gentleman was a Virginian by birth, a brother of Richard Henry Lee. His hostility to Franklin showed itself at an early date. When Dr. Franklin was appointed agent for Massachusetts at the court of London, Mr. Lee was nominated to be his successor whenever he should retire.....[and] ...before Dr. Franklin's arrival in France, Mr. Lee had fallen into a quarrel with Mr. Deane. He was dissatisfied with all that his colleagues had done, found fault with their contracts, and more than insinuated that they had been heedlessly extravagant, partial to friends, and indulgent to themselves, in the expenditure of public money. This was not the worst. His 'letters to members of Congress teemed with charges and insinuations, which, although they were not sustained by any positive evidence. He recommended that Dr. Franklin should be sent to Vienna, and Mr. Deane to Holland. At one time he intimated, that Dr. Franklin had sent out a public vessel on a "cruising job," in the profits of which he was to share; and, at another, that be and the American banker in Paris, were in a league to defraud the public.
Another individual, who placed himself among the foremost of Dr. Franklin's enemies, was Mr. Ralph Izard. He imbibed his prejudices in the first instance from Mr. Lee. He resided nearly two years in Paris as commissioner from the United States to the court of Tuscany. Whilst the treaties were negotiating with France, he conceived that he ought to be consulted, in virtue of his commission to another court; he complained of being overlooked. Dr. Franklin took no pains whatever to vindicate himself, or to counteract the arts of his enemies. He was not ignorant of their proceedings. The substance of their letters, which the writers seemed not to desire should be kept secret, was communicated to him by his friends. Relying on his character, and conscious of the rectitude of his course, he allowed them to waste their strength in using their own weapons, and never condescended to repel their charges or explain his conduct.
Eighteen months after Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard began their opposition, he says; "Congress have wisely enjoined the ministers in Europe to agree with one another. I had always resolved to have no quarrel, and have, therefore, made it a constant rule to answer no angry, affronting, or abusive letters, of which I have received many, and long ones, from Mr. Lee and Mr. Izard, who, I understand, and see indeed by the papers, have been writing liberally, or rather illiberally, against me, to prevent, as one of them says here, any impressions my writings against them might occasion to their prejudice; but I have never before mentioned them in any of my letters." ... "I trust in the justice of Congress, that they will listen to no accusations against me, that I have not first been acquainted with, and had an opportunity of answering."
The British ministry were still intent on some scheme of reconciliation. In May, 1779, Mr. William Jones, afterwards Sir William Jones, visited Paris. Dr. Franklin bad been acquainted with him in England, a member of the Royal Society, and an intimate friend of the Shipley family. Without openly avowing himself an authorized agent, he contrived to insinuate ideas, which may be presumed to have had their origin in a higher source.
 Dr. Franklin was ever ready to promote whatever could be useful to mankind. When Captain Cook's vessel was about to return from a voyage of discovery, he wrote a circular letter to the commanders of American cruisers, in his character of minister plenipotentiary, requesting them, in case they should meet with that vessel, not to capture it, nor suffer it to be detained or plundered of any thing on board, but to treat the captain and his people with civility and kindness, affording them, as common friends of mankind, all the assistance in their power." This act of magnanimity was properly estimated by the British government. After Cook's Voyage was published, a copy of the work was sent to him by the Board of Admiralty, with a letter from Lord Howe, stating that it was forwarded with the approbation of the King.
One of the gold medals, struck by the Royal Society in honor of Captain Cook, was likewise presented to him.
[qf. http://www.ushistory.org/franklin/biography/chap11.htm ]
An order is stuck up at the Post-Office that no passengers are to go in the packets from Dover to Calais, without an order from the Secretary of State. [Sherborne Mercury 9 November, 1778]
Resolved, That Congress never has received any species of military stores as a present from the Court of France, or from any other court or persons in Europe:
Resolved, That Mr. Thomas Paine for his imprudence ought immediately to be dismissed from his office of secretary to the Committee for Foreign Affairs, and the said Committee are directed to dismiss him accordingly, and to take such further steps relative to his misapplication of public papers as they shall deem necessary.
["In the writing of Nathaniel Scudder, in the Papers of the Continental Congress, No. 36, IV, folio 133"]
"Upon Mr. Deane's arrival in France the business went into his hands, and the aids were at length embarked in the Amphitrite, Mercury and Seine." And, whereas, the said Thomas Paine hath also acknowledged himself to be the author of a piece in the succeeding Packet of January 5, 1779, under the same title, in which is the following paragraph, to wit, "and in the second instance, that those who are now her allies, prefaced that alliance by an early and generous friendship, yet that we might not attribute too much to human or auxiliary aid, so unfortunate were these supplies, that only one ship out of the three arrived; the Mercury and Seine fell into the hands of the enemy:"
1779 The frigate Alliance, Captain Landais, with Lafayette on board, arrived at Brest February 6, 1779, after a passage of twenty-three days from Boston*. On February 2 a mutiny was discovered among the English and Irish sailors on board. The difficulty of recruiting ships' crews for the regular naval service, chiefly due to the superior attractions of Privateering, had led to the practice in some cases of enlisting British prisoners, who were willing in this manner to escape confinement. William Murray confessed (Independent Chronicle, April 29, 1779, Murray's testimony under oath, vouched for by an officer of the ship.) Lafayette was to be put in irons and sent to England. Thirty-eight of the mutineers were confined in irons on shore to await trial. The disposition of these prisoners caused embarrassment, for there were not enough American naval captains in France to organize a court martial for their trial and it would be inconvenient and expensive to send them back to America. Franklin suggested exchanging them for Americans as prisoners of war. The Marine Committee, however, could "think of no better method of disposing of them than Sending them out to this Continent by different Vessels, proportioning the number to each Vessel, so as not to render it dangerous or inconvenient: and upon their Arrival, if Sufficient evidence can be had, it is our intention to bring them to trial by Court Martial (Mar. Com. Letter Book, 236 (September 17, 1779, letter to Franklin); Wharton, iii, 188; Boston Gazette, April 19, 26,1770; Independent Chronicle, April 22, 29, 1779 ; Archives de la Marine, B8 16 (Fevrier, 1779.)
[*(qf Ch. XII) the frigates Deane, Captain Nicholson, and Alliance, Captain Landais, sailed together from Boston January 14. Pierre Landais was a French naval officer of experience, having sailed around the world with the famous navigator Bougainville; he had embarked in the American cause and on the recommendation of Silas Deane had been appointed a captain in the Continental navy. The Alliance was bound to France and parted with her consort on the third day out (Publ. R. I. Hist. Soc., viii, 258; Wharton, ii, 387; Stevens, 1552.) ]
1779 After his return to Brest in May, 1778, with his prize the Drake, Captain Jones spent a frustrating year disposing of the Ranger's prizes, so that the officers and men were kept waiting indefinitely for their prize money. There still seemed a chance that through the French Minister of Marine, de Sartine, Jones would get the Indien after all, and it was proposed by Franklin that he should man her partly with French and partly with American prisoners received in exchange for those he had taken on his cruise. But on account of the outbreak of hostilities between France and England, which soon followed, the Dutch government, anxious to maintain neutrality, would not allow the Indien to leave Holland. ............Jones went to Versailles and personally urged his claims, taking the advice, it is said, given in [Franklin's] "Poor Richard's Almanac," and hoping that by direct solicitation something might be accomplished. This hope was realised, for Sartine took more interest in his affairs and the result was the purchase, in January, 1779, of an East Indiaman called the Duc de Duras (Sands, 96-149; Sherburne, 66-86; Archives de la Marine, B1 89, 179, 183, 185, 203, 207.)
This vessel was fourteen years old, unsound, and a dull sailer, but though Jones had insisted on the necessity for his purpose of a fast-sailing ship, he accepted the Duras and at once entered upon the work of converting her into a man-of-war. With the consent of Sartine and in honor of Poor Richard and of his faithful friend and benefactor, Franklin, Jones called his ship the Bonhomme Richard. She was at L'Orient and several American seamen were enlisted there. Months were spent in preparation for a cruise against the enemy. The Alliance, which was to have returned directly to America, was detained by Franklin and put under Jones's orders; and three French vessels also, making in all a respectable squadron. The agent of the French government in the arrangements was M. de Chaumont, a zealous adherent of the American cause who had given his house at Passy free of rent to the American Commissioners.
[ Jones' Journal: "I received orders to sail west of Ireland and north of Scotland to intercept the enemy shipping around the Orcades, the Cape of Derneus, and Dogger Bank and to return to the Texel by October 1 to receive further orders. But as I had informed Dr. Franklin, through whom I had always received the orders of the court, this so limited my operations that I would not be able to take advantage of circumstances which might permit me to render more Important services, such as intercepting commerce of much greater importance, making a landing and alarming the enemy in the north, and making a considerable diversion on behalf of the Count d'Orvilliers, who was in the channel with 66 ships of the line with which he was expected to destroy Plymouth or Portsmouth and perhaps both of them. Mr. Franklin, as a result, gave me carte blanche for six weeks for these operations, and the only restriction he maintained was that I was to enter the Texel by the first of October.
In addition to various ideas I had, I was informed from England that eight vessels were expected from India and that they should first appear off the west coast of Ireland near Limerick. This merited attention. As there were two privateers at Lorient ready for sea, le Monsieur of 40 guns and le Granville of 14, whose officers had already offered to place themselves under my command, I agreed to their proposition. But the commissioner would not hear of accepting any engagement from them regarding their conduct.
This arrogant action caused the spread of the belief among the Americans, and particularly on board the Alliance, that the squadron belonged neither to the king of France nor to Congress, but to the owners of privateers with whom the commissioner and Dr. Franklin were associated.
With all these mishaps, it is easy to see that I was thwarted in all my projects and that my situation was perhaps the most precarious and the most disagreeable in which a commander had ever found himself. (The newspapers also confirmed the word I had received from England concerning the eight ships from India; they had entered the port of Limerick three days after I had been obliged to leave the harbor's entrance.) [The squadron had set sail from the Groix roadstead, L'Orient, on August 14, 1779. ]
The ships were finally ready for sea about the middle of June, 1779. Jones had as first lieutenant, at the outset, Robert Robinson, who was soon succeeded, however, by Richard Dale, an excellent officer who had served in the Virginia navy and the Continental navy and had twice escaped from Mill Prison. [Plymouth] . Out of 227 officers and men on the Bonhomme Richard, there were 79 Americans, mostly exchanged prisoners, 83 were English, Irish and Scottish, including Jones himself, a few Scandinavians, and nearly 30 Portuguese.
Jones had general instructions from Franklin, who was always moved by humane considerations. The concluding passages are: "As many of your officers and people have lately escaped from English prisons, either in Europe or America, you are to be particularly attentive to their conduct towards the prisoners which the fortune of war may throw into your hands, lest the resentment of the more than barbarous usage by the English in many places towards the Americans should occasion a retaliation and imitation of what ought rather to be detested and avoided for the sake of humanity and for the honour of our country. In the same view, although the English have wantonly burnt many defenceless towns in America, you are not to follow this example, unless when a reasonable ransom is refused, in which case your own generous feelings as well as this instruction will induce you to give timely notice of your intention, that sick and ancient persons, women and children may be first removed." (Sands, 152-154 (April 27,1779).
An incipient mutiny among the British sailors was discovered, the design being to take possession of the ship and send Jones a prisoner to England. Many of these undesirable persons were discharged early in August and 43 Americans, who had recently arrived in a cartel from English prisons, were recruited. According to the instructions of Franklin, dated June 30, 1779, which had been virtually dictated by Sartine, the squadron was to cruise to the north of the British Isles and at the end of about six weeks put into the Texel, whence it was to convoy vessels from Holland to France (Sands, 158-163; Sherburne, 94-102; Jones MSS., July 28, 29, 1779, Jones to Gourlade & Moylan and to Lieutenant Lunt, and courts martial of Robert Towers and others; Archives de la Marine, B1 89, 270, B1 91, 178, B4 158, 132, 184.)
Jones, in his report to Franklin, dated October 3, 1779, he says: "Knowing that there lay at anchor in Leith [Edinburgh] road an armed ship of 20 guns, with two or three fine cutters, I formed an expedition against Leith, which I purposed to lay under a large contribution, or otherwise to reduce it to ashes." (Sherburne, 112.) He prepared a summons addressed to the magistrates of Leith, in which he tells them: "I do not wish to distress the poor inhabitants; my intention is only to demand your contribution towards the reimbursement which Britain owes to the much injured citizens of America." (lbid., 106.) This is an allusion to the depredations committed by the British in Chesapeake Bay, Long Island Sound, and elsewhere. "Had I been alone, the wind being favorable, I would have proceeded directly up the Firth and must have succeeded, as they lay there in a state of perfect indolence and security, which would have proved their ruin. Unfortunately for me, the Pallas and Vengeance were both at a considerable distance in the offing, they having chased to the southward; this obliged us to steer out of the Firth again to meet them. ...I hoped to raise a contribution of 200000 pounds sterling on Leith, and that there was no battery of cannon there to oppose our landing. ... the wind became contrary in the morning. We continued working to windward up the Firth without being able to reach the road of Leith, till on the morning of the 17th, when being almost within cannon shot of the town, having everything in readiness for a descent, a very severe gale of wind came on, and being directly contrary, obliged us to bear away, after having in vain endeavored for some time to withstand its violence. As the alarm by this time had reached Leith by means of a [Revenue] cutter that had watched our motions that morning, and as the wind continued contrary (though more moderate in the evening), I thought it impossible to pursue the enterprise with a good prospect of success, especially as Edinburgh, where there is always a number of troops, is only a mile distant from Leith; therefore I gave up the project." (Sherburne, 112; Sands, 171-175.)
[After an action in the North Sea, Jones took Serapis and took command of her when the Bonhomme Richard sank at 1 A.M. September 28, 1779]. A letter from Bridlington, September 24, says that in the opinion of the sailors who had escaped ashore "Jones's plan was to destroy Scarborough, Bridlington and Hull, with some other places; and that he intended landing at Flamborough yesterday morning, but the sea ran too high." (London Chronicle, September 30, 1779.)
[Jones's Journal: Upon my entry into the Texel, I found the agent of Congress, Monsieur Dumas, from whom I received the orders of the minister of marine in a letter from Dr. Franklin. I found by these letters that I had received a very important assignment: it was nothing less than to escort from there to Brest some 100 Dutch vessels loaded with war materiel and building timbers belonging to His Majesty. England's ambassador to The Hague, Sir Joseph Yorke, addressed different memorials to the Estates General, insisting on the return of the Serapis and the Countess of Scarborough to his king and claiming me as "the Scottish pirate," but these memorials did not have the effect he desired, and the efforts he made to induce some magistrates or citizens of Amsterdam to betray or kidnap me were equally without success.
It was necessary to repair the squadron and to procure a mainmast for the Serapis and provisions from Amsterdam for about 600 prisoners. Because it was very difficult to treat the wounded on board the ships, the Estates General allowed me to use the fort on the Island of Texel for this purpose. These circumstances, and particularly that of the fort in the Texel, infuriated the English government and put Holland in a situation so critical that the Estates General were obliged to insist that I should either leave the Texel or produce a commission from His Most Christian Majesty and remain thereafter under the French flag.
At the latitude of Hull, I had taken a pilot, John Jackson, who subsequently conducted himself very well. This poor man had lost his right arm while he helped service the pumps in the engagement of the Bonhomme Richard. As his boat had been of very considerable aid in saving the wounded, before the Bonhomme Richard had sunk, I returned his boat to him before leaving the Texel and made him a present of three complete outfits of clothes, with some linen and 100 ducats of my own money. Believing this pilot deserved half pay, that is, 30 livres per month, for the rest of his life, I consequently gave him a certificate to that effect, which neither France nor America has as yet honored.]
Soon afterwards, the presence of Jones's squadron in the Texel, neutral waters, was increasing the estrangement between England and Holland which ultimately led to war. The squadron had taken more than enough prisoners to procure the release by exchange of all the Americans confined in England. The plan adopted was to exchange Jones's prisoners for French at the Texel, France agreeing to give the same number of English in France for the Americans in England. On 13 December, he wrote to Franklin: "We hear that the enemy still keeps a squadron cruising off here, but this shall not prevent my attempts to depart whenever the wind will permit. I hope we have recovered the trim of this ship, which was entirely lost during the last cruise.
About this time Captain Conyngham, who had escaped from prison in England and had crossed over to Holland, came aboard the Alliance. At last, with a favoring east wind, the ship got away from the Texel December 27, 1779, and succeeded in running the blockade of the British squadron outside (Sands, 218-243; Sherburne, 145-152, 174-184, 219; Wharton, iii, 378, 379, 424, 425, 430, 431, 535; Archives de la Marine, B4 172,140.). Off Cape Finnisterre. January 8, 1780, Jones captured a brig which he sent to America. He went into Coruna January 16, where he was well received by the Spanish. Conyngham left the Alliance here and joined a ship bound to America. Jones sailed again, January 28, for another cruise off Cape Finnisterre, but meeting with no success, put into Groix Roads February 10 (L'Orient).
From August, 1778, to April, 1779, one hundred privateers were fitted out in Liverpool, aggregating more than 24,000 tons, mounting 1650 and with crews numbering more than 7,400 men. A list of British privateers fitted out at New York, published in April, comprised 121 vessels, including two of thirty-six guns each.
[qf. A Naval History of the American Revolution, Ch. XIII ]
1779 In April the Revenge was captured by the British frigate Galatea and taken into New York. Conyngham was sent to England in irons and treated with great severity. He was accused of piracy on the ground that his cruise in the Surprise in the spring of 1777 preceded the date of his commission. His first commission, dated March 1, 1777, had been taken from him at Dunkirk and sent to Versailles. Search was made for this earlier commission, but without success (This commission has come to light within a few years and is in the possession of James Barnes, Esq., of New York.) Franklin's assurance, however, that it had existed apparently resulted in some amelioration of Conyngham's treatment. He was removed to Plymouth and in November, 1779, after several unsuccessful attempts, he escaped from Mill Prison with about fifty others. He proceeded first to London and thence found his way to Holland (Penn. Mag. Hist. and Biogr., January, 1899; Outlook, January 3, 1903; Hale, i, 342-350; Almon, viii, 340; Maryland Journal, March 2, 1779; Penn. Gazette, August 4, 1779; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 201, 217 (March 10, June 2, 1779); Archives de la Marine B8 16 (Avril, Novembre, 1779)
The Deane and Boston sailed out of Chesapeake Bay, July 29, in company with two ships of the Virginia navy and a convoy of merchantmen, from whom they soon parted. A successful cruise of about five weeks was made by the two frigates, during which they captured eight prizes, including four New York privateers; but the most important were the ships Sandwich and Thorn, each of sixteen guns. The former was a packet carrying as passengers a number of army officers; the Thorn was a sloop of war. The frigates arrived at Boston, September 6, with two hundred and fifty prisoners, including a lieutenant-colonel, a major, and three naval captains. Nicholson received the congratulations of the Marine Committee (Boston Post, September 11, 1779; Boston Gazette, September 13, 1779; Penn. Gazette, September 22, 1779; Tucker, 119-121 ; Mar. Com. Letter Book, 237, 238 (to Navy Board, Boston, and to Nicholson, September, 18, 19, 1779)
On August 24, 1779, the frigate Confederacy was ordered on a short Cruise off the Delaware capes, keeping a lookout for the privateer Eagle of Philadelphia, expected from St. Eustatius. September 3 the Confederacy was again ordered up to Chester, and on the 17th received instructions for a voyage to France, taking as passenger the French minister, Gerard. The Eagle was a ten-gun brigantine [Captured Falmouth packet?] sailing under a Continental commission in the West Indies. Whether or not she returned to Philadelphia at this time is perhaps uncertain, but she was in the West Indies in November and on attempting to get into St. Eustatius was headed off and chased by six British privateers. She took refuge under a fort on the Dutch island of Saba, but was cut out and captured by the privateers, taken to Nevis and condemned by a British admiralty court, in violation of the neutrality of Saba (Mar. Com. Letter Book, 230, 231, 235 (to Harding, August 24, September 3, 17, 1779) ; Pap. Cont. Congr., 44, 325-397 (June 12, November 13, 16, 25, 30, December 14, 1779, January 18, 20, March 21, 23, 1780); Massachusetts Spy, February 10, 1780.)
In the orders of September 17, sending the Confederacy to France, Captain Harding was instructed to make the best of his "way to any Port which the Minister may think proper to direct and on your passage you are carefully to avoid coming to action with any vessel of equal or superior force. Your Ship being entirely designed for the Accommodation of the Minister, you are in all things, as far as may be, to comply with his wishes and to treat him with the respect due to his character." On his arrival in France he was to report to "his Excellency Benjamin Franklin, Esq.., Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles." After refitting his ship, he was to take on board "such Stores for the use of these States as may be offered by the Agents in France, so as not to incommode your vessel as a Ship of war, and when you have received the Orders of our Minister, you are immediately to make the best of your way back to this port or into Chesapeake Bay . . . If you can procure A Set of good 18 Pounders when in France and you are of Opinion that the Confederacy can bear them, you are at liberty to mount them and put those you have now on Deck into your hold. We desire you will be careful of the Confederacy, her Materials and Stores and that you will not delay any time unnecessarily in France, but be diligent for dispatch." Under the same date the committee wrote to Franklin of the expected visit of the Confederacy to France (Mar. Com. Letter Book, 235, 236.) October 17, the Confederacy still lying at Chester, Harding received orders to take on board another distinguished passenger, John Jay, with his family. Jay had been appointed minister to Spain (lbid., 242.)
The Confederacy sailed soon after this and cleared the Delaware capes October 26. In relating the story of this eventful voyage, Harding says that on November 7 at five o'clock in the morning, in latitude 41° 3' longitude 50° 39', "the ship unfortunately lost her Bow Sprit, Fore Mast, Main Mast and Mizen Mast," in a gale. Six hours were passed in cutting away the wreck of spars, sails, and rigging, "after which all hands were imployed in clearing the Ship and preparing to get up Jury Masts, which would have been done with the Assistance of my Officers, who behaved themselves exceedingly well on the Occasion, in a Very short time, but the next day about 7 O'clock A.M. in addition to our misfortune found the Rudder to be gone, at least the head of it Wrung in such a manner that rendered it entirely useless, in which situation we lay Tossing and Drifting with the Wind and Current, making use of every Opportunity to secure the Rudder and Refit the Ship in order to proceed on her intended Passage till the 23d November." During this time the ship had drifted eastward to longitude 48° 28'. "I, with the advice of Mr. Jay and Mr. Gerard, Call'd a Council of my Officers Relative to the Ship's proceeding on her intended passage, who unanimously agreed that it would be very imprudent to approach the Coast of Europe in the situation she was then in; that it would be impossible for the Rudder to survive a hard Gale of wind without increasing the Leake very much, which was Occasioned by the Rudder's Striking against her Stern post; that if we should be Necessitated to part with it, should undoubtedly be thrown into Various Difficultys, in Consequence of which the Ship might Founder; that if we should be attacked by a Gale of Wind inshore, we must inevitably be Cast on Shore, and perhaps the greater part of us if not the whole fall a sacrifice to our own folly; and that if we should loose any of Sparrs or Rigging we had none to Replace them; that in the situation the ship was then in, thought it most prudent to proceed to the West Indies. After which I Consulted Mr. Jay & Mr. Gerard the latter declining to give any Opinion on the Subject, the former gave his Opinion that the sentiments of the Officers Corresponded with his and that their advice ought in his opinion to be followed." (Pap. Cont. Congr., 78, 11, 487 (Harding to President of Congress, December 30, 1779)) Thereupon the ship was brought to Martinique, arriving at St. Pierre December 18. The two ministers continued their passage to France in a French frigate (Boston Post, February 19, 1780; Boston Gazette, February 21, 1780; Papers New London Hist. Soc., IV, i, 61.)
[qf. A Naval History of the American Revolution, Ch. XI]
1779 Spain entered the war of American Independence
Franklin appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France
Harwich October 29. This day se'night arrived Prince of Wales packet, with a mail and a Hannovarian messenger. In her care are 16 of the people who belonged to the Prince of Orange packet which was carried into Dunkirk last March. [SM: 8 November,1779]
1779 - 1782 Prisoners of War
Captain Conyngham's experiences in captivity have been alluded to. After his escape he wrote to Franklin from the Texel, December 1, 1779: " I shall acquaint you of the many favours I received since I became a captive. 1st, in New York, that Sir George Collier ordered irons on my legs, with a sentry on board the ship. Mr. Collier going on an expedition ordered me to jaole, there put me into the condemned room. The first night a cold plank my bed a stone for a pillow. 2d night allowed a something to lay on; in this horrid room was kept for eight days without the least morsel of bread, or anything but water, from the keeper of the prison ... After expostulating of the impropriety of such treatment, [the jailer] told me he had such orders, but would take it upon himself to release me on my giving him my strongest assurances I would not make my escape. I readily consented, it not being in the power of man to get out of the condemned room . . . In the prison of New York I continued till that tyrant Collier returned ... Then I was told to get ready to go on board the prison-ship . . . Then a pair of criminal irons put on my legs, weight 50 pounds; at the door, put into the hangman's cart, all in form as if bound to the gallows. I was then put into a boat and took alongside the Raisonable . . . to be sent to England in the packet. In those Irons I was brought to Pendennis Castle [Falmouth, Cornwall] . Then not contented, they manacled my hands with a new fashioned pair of ruffels fitted very tite. In this condition I was kept there 15 or 16 days, then brought to Plymouth and lodged in the black hole for eight days, before they would do me the honour of committing me on suspicion of high treason on his majesties high seas; then put into Mill prison, where we committed treason through his earth and made our escape. This, Sir, is an account of their favors, insults excepted. I must acquaint your excellency that the poor unfortunate prisoners in Plymouth are in a most distressed situation." (Hale, i, 349; Almon, viii, 340.)
[qf. A Naval History of the American Revolution, Ch. XVIII]
Attempts to escape from Mill Prison were numerous, sometimes by climbing over the walls, sometimes by burrowing under them, and sometimes by bribing sentries, the last generally by officers who had money. Among the officers confined at this place were Captains Manley, Talbot, Johnson, and O'Brien, and Lieutenants Dale and Barney. Of these the last four escaped, besides Conyngham; Manley and Talbot made several attempts. Most prisoners' efforts in this direction failed, but in the aggregate a large number got off and made their way to Holland and France. At Paris they found a good friend in Franklin, who gave them money and assistance to the extent of his ability. Those who were caught after escaping were brought back, confined forty days in a dungeon called the "black hole," and put upon half allowance of food (Livesey, 56-60, passim, 209-213; Barney, 87-102; O'Brien, 180-183; Port Folio, June, 1814; N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., October, 1878; Essex Inst. Coll., January, 1909; Lee MSS., February 28, 1778; Adams MSS., July 16, 1780, June 5, 1781.) Some escaped by entering the British service, yielding to inducements constantly held out to them. Those doing so were comparatively few in number, and most of them were foreigners who had served on American ships. In December, 1778, over a hundred men in Mill Prison signed an agreement to remain loyal to their country and under no circumstances to enter the British service (Livesey, 161, 163, 177, 183, 208, 221.) In June, 1778, rumors of exchange began to be heard, which for many months seemed only to hold out false hopes. In September, the American Commissioners in Paris wrote to their countrymen in English prisons that they had at last "obtained assurances from England that an exchange shall take place." They added: "We have now obtained permission of this government to put all British prisoners - whether taken by continental frigates or by privateers - into the king's prisons, and we are determined to treat such prisoners precisely as our countrymen are treated in England, to give them the same allowance of provisions and accommodations and no other. We therefore request you to inform us with exactness what your allowance is from the government, that we may govern ourselves accordingly." (Wharton, ii, 729, 730.) It was not until March 15, 1779, that hopes of release were realized and 97 of the inmates of Mill Prison embarked on a cartel bound for France (Livesey, 139, 141, 179, 182, 199, 200, 219, 223, 224, 233; Wharton, iii, 188. For another account of conditions on board a receiving-ship in Plymouth Harbor and in Mill Prison, see A. Sherburne, 76-100; see also journal of William Russell in Ships and Sailors of Old Salem, chs. vii, viii.)
The brigantine Rising States sailed from Boston, January 26, 1777, and on April 15 was captured in the English Channel by the Terrible, 74. Two weeks later the Terrible arrived at Spithead and the prisoners remained on board until June 14, harshly treated and on three quarters allowance. They were then removed to Forton Prison, near Portsmouth, being the first Americans to occupy it. Their experiences are told in the journal of Timothy Connor, one of the crew of the Rising States. The prison ration was three quarters of a pound of beef, a pound of bread, and a quart of small beer for twenty-four hours, and some cabbage every other day.
Prisoners in the black hole, for trying to escape or other misdemeanor, had six ounces of beef, half a pound of bread, and a pint of beer. Five days after entrance the prisoners "made a large hole through the wall of the prison and eleven made their escape," two of whom were caught and brought back. During the first six months more than sixty escaped, about half of whom were retaken. December 25, Connor says: "Now the people begin to use humanity throughout England . . . They begin to use us better. There are subscription books opened in many parts of England for our relief." (N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., July, 1876.) The officers were given five shillings a week each and the men two shillings. The Reverend Thomas Wren of Portsmouth took a great interest in the prisoners and visited them daily.
David Hartley, M.P., one of Franklin's English correspondents and an old friend of his, also visited the prison. Besides the fund raised in England, Franklin sent over what money he could spare, to be used for the benefit of the prisoners. Much of this was entrusted to an American merchant in London named Digges, who a few years later turned out to be a British spy and a defaulter and who embezzled nearly all the money he had received for the use of the prisoners (Wharton, ii, 492, iii, 523, iv, 623, 645; Hale, i, ch. xi; Adams MSS., July 10, 1778.)
The prisoners brought into Brest by the Ranger in May, 1778, were confined many months on one of her prizes and made bitter complaints of their situation. Captain Jones exerted himself as far as possible for their welfare, but was very unwilling to release them without exchange. Franklin supplied as well as he could the wants of the British prisoners in France. In February, 1780, he wrote to one of his English correspondents, enclosing the account of his agent at L'Orient, "for clothing 113 English prisoners last April," and adding: "Not that I expect anything from your government on that account towards clothing such of our people with you as may be in want of it. The refusal of compliance with the paroles of prisoners set at liberty have taught me to flatter myself no more with expectations that a thing may be done because it is humane or equitable, and reasonable that it should be done. I only desire it may be considered as a small but grateful acknowledgment, all hitherto in my power, for the kindness shown by your charitable subscriptions to our poor people. It may perhaps be some satisfaction to those subscribers to know that, while they thought only of relieving Americans, they were at the same time occasioning some relief to distressed Englishmen." (Wharton, iii, 522.)
At last, in the spring of 1782, Franklin was able to inform Jay that the British Parliament had passed "an act for exchanging American prisoners. They have near 1,100 in the jails of England and Ireland, all committed as charged with high treason. The act is to empower the king, notwithstanding such commitments, to consider them as prisoners of war, according to the law of nations, and exchange them as such. This seems to be giving up their pretensions of considering us as rebellious subjects and is a kind of acknowledgment of our independence. Transports are now taking up to carry back to their country the poor, brave fellows who have borne for years their cruel captivity, rather than serve our enemies, and an equal number of English are to be delivered up in return." (Wharton, v, 326.)
The British ministry then ordered the exchange of all American prisoners. A year later, April, 1783, came proclamations of the Continental Congress and the British commanders in New York, the latter a day or two in the lead, for the suspension of hostilities and the release of all prisoners of war (lbid., 439, 512, 548, 556, vi, 369, 375, 377.)
1780 Britain declared war against Holland
The Court of France thought it proper to inform Congress the Dutch are now "in a state of war with the English"
"A mediation has been entered into between London and The Hague; and the Empress of Russia acts as mediatrix. That it is evident the Court of London, by opening this negotiation, designs to draw the Seven Provinces to her side; and even goes so far as to expect, that she may employ the resources of the Dutch against France, either directly or indirectly. The strongest argument which the British party make use of to separate the Seven Provinces from France is, that they are destitute of a naval force; that their seamen are captured by the British; that all their riches will likewise fall a sacrifice; and that their settlements in the East and West Indies are in the greatest danger. That under these circumstances it was become necessary for France to afford immediate protection to the Dutch in Europe; and to make without delay a diversion which may possibly save their East India possessions."
 In 1780, two Holyhead [ex Falmouth] packets had been taken and ransomed, Hillsborough and Bessborough (sic) by two "American privateers", manned with Irish crew. In fact they were the Black Prince and Black Princess, commissioned and sent out from France by Benjamin Franklin, who was then in France as the representative of the revolting colonies. A third [ex Falmouth] Holyhead packet. Le Dispencer was nearly taken when she hastened to Dublin with the news of the captures, just managing to get over the bar into Dublin Harbour with the Privateers in full chase. [Robinson, Howard. Carrying British Mails Overseas, Allen & Unwin (1964) pp.53 - 54]
 Letter from Helston, April 5th. Vessel brought into Mounts Bay on 7th April, taken by a Guernsey privateer, she proves to be a French packet bound to the West Indies with dispatches for Mons La Motte Picquet. Mail was thrown overboard but not sufficient weight, saved by the action of one of the sailors on board the privateer. Several Government letters of consequence, others "written in characters" [Cypher/Code?], commissions for officers, a stone set in diamonds, and a very handsome sword as a present for Mon. Picquet. The prizemaster, as he landed, set off for London [SM 10 April, 1780]
 London Aug. 26th. Yesterday the Captain of the Carteret packet arrived at the Admiralty with dispatches from Vice-Admiral Arbuthot at New York. Safe arrival of Admiral Graves and the fleet under his command. It is said that an English privateer has taken a [French] packet-boat with dispatches from Chevalier de Ternay, whose squadron arrived at Rhode Island the 2nd of July. [SM 28/8/1780]
1780 The full extent of the benefit derived from the French alliance was not appreciated at that early day in America. Its effect on the British imagination and the potential weight of the French fleet, its mere presence on the ocean, were not inconsiderable. An intercepted letter from General Clinton to Lord George Germain, dated Savannah, January 30, 1780, captured on a British packet by an American privateer, [CHECK] gives a view of the military situation as seen by English eyes and discloses a state of mind not free from apprehension. "every advantage of water was also in his [Washington's] power by the Sound and, under protection of the French fleet, exposed us to the most perplexing embarrassments. I do not reckon among the lesser misfortunes of the last year the operations of d'Estaing on the American coast, the vast relief thereby given to the Rebel trade and the injury which it brought upon ours, the impression it carried home to the minds of the people, of our lost dominion of the sea, and the disposition of the French to give them every assistance reconcilable with the general objects of the war, to compleat our ruin on the Continent." (Almon, x, 36, 37, reprinted from Pennsylvania
Journal, April 8, 1780. See Channing, iii, 300, 301.)
1780 L'Orient, in February, 1780: Captain Jones had to endure another long period of waiting on shore, but was occupied for some time in giving the Alliance a thorough overhauling; for lack of money this was less complete than he had hoped. ...repairs were necessary and Jones proposed to have the ship coppered. Another object of his desire was the purchase of the Serapis, and he says in the same letter, which was written to Franklin, February 13 : "I wish she could be made the property of America." (Sherburne, 186.) He seems to have had an idea that the French government would bear the cost of repairs on the Alliance. Franklin wrote to him, February 19: "As to refitting your ship at the expense of this court, I must acquaint you that there is not the least probability of obtaining it, and therefore I cannot ask it. I hear too much already of the extraordinary expense you made in Holland to think of proposing an addition to it, especially as you seem to impute the damage she has sustained more to Capt. Landais's negligence than to accidents of the cruize. The whole expense will therefore fall upon me and I am ill provided to bear it, having so many unexpected calls upon me from all quarters. I therefore beg you would have mercy upon me, put me to as little charge as possible and take nothing that you can possibly do without. As to sheathing with copper, it is totally out of the question. I am not authorised to do it, if I had money; and I have not money for it, if I had orders. The purchase of the Serapis is in the same predicament . . . Let me repeat it, for God's sake be sparing, unless you mean to make me a bankrupt or have your drafts dishonored for want of money in my hands to pay them." (Sherburne, 189, 190.)
Jones expected to return to America in the Alliance, but wished before he left France to settle his own and his men's affairs. His prizes had not yet been sold and his crew were without wages, without prize money, and without clothes. In order to expedite matters, Jones made another trip to Paris and obtained the promise of an early sale. Franklin advanced a sum of money to supply the immediate needs of officers and men. The French government loaned the ship Ariel of twenty guns to accompany the Alliance to America and assist in transporting a large amount of clothing and military supplies for the Continental army. Many exchanged American prisoners arrived from England who would be available for her crew. Jones was received in Paris with marked distinction and was presented by the King with a gold-hilted sword and the cross of the Order of Military Merit; the latter in the following year, after having obtained the approval of Congress (Sands, 247-262; Sherburne, 185-197; Archives de la Marine, B1 93, 45, 283, 285, B4 172, 176.)
June 10, 1780: "It is understood that a considerable Number of the [French] King's Frigates are likely to remain unarmed and unemployed in the Ports, through the Scarcity of French Seamen. To Man these the Government might ask of Congress the Services of Commodore Jones and of a sufficient Number of American Officers and Sailors, of which there are about 500 now Prisoners in England, whose exchange will naturally take place in two or three Months and who being arrived here might easily be engaged and retained for that purpose.
............. In this way a squadron of Frigates from America and of fast sailing French Frigates, sloops &c. manned by Americans might be easily formed, ...This proposition was favorably received by the French Ministry, but apparently owing to the inability of Congress to take the necessary steps on their part and to other circumstances, it came to nothing (Archives do la Marine, B4 172, 188, 199; Sherburne, 208-211.)
During Jones's absence from L'Orient, Landais, instigated by Arthur Lee, encouraged a spirit of discontent almost amounting to mutiny among the crew of the Alliance. Jones wrote to Robert Morris [Agent of Marine, by summer 1781]: "I am convinced that Mr. Lee has acted in this matter merely because I would not become the enemy of the venerable, the wise and good Franklin, whose heart as well as head does and will always do honor to human nature." (Wharton, iii, 821; Sands, 278.) In regard to the legality of Landais's commission, the Board of Admiralty in a report to Congress a few months later observed that "Captain Landais regained command of the Alliance by the advice of Mr. Lee, notwithstanding his suspension by Dr. Franklin, who by the direction of the Marine Committee had the sole management of our marine affairs in Europe." (Sands, 321.) John Adams, however, believed that the Marine Committee lacked authority to confer upon Franklin the power to remove the commander of a ship.
Franklin wrote to Jones, December 4: "I shall strongly solicit the payment of the prize money, which I understand is not yet received from the king. I hope soon to see an end of that affair, which has met with so many unaccountable obstructions. I enclose despatches for Congress, which are to be sunk in case of danger. I wish you to make the best of your way to America and that you may have a prosperous voyage." (Sands, 299.) The Ariel sailed December 18 (lbid., 294-300; Sherburne, 211-213; Archives do la Marine, B4 172, 271-274, 277.)
Captain Jones arrived at Philadelphia on the 18th February, 1781, having been absent from America three years, three months and eighteen days." (Sands, 300-302; Sherburne, 213, 214; Boston Gazette, March 12,1781.)
Among the American privateers in France commissioned by Franklin was one owned by Frenchmen in Dunkirk named the Black Prince, a small cutter armed with sixteen three- and four-pounders and thirty-two swivels, which proved such a prizetaker that the owners obtained from the American minister a commission for another, which they called the Black Princess. The latter at first carried eighteen two-, three-, and four-pounders and twenty-four swivels, but later a much heavier armament. These two vessels, manned chiefly by English and Irish smugglers with a few Americans, cruised with remarkable success during 1779 and 1780. There were disadvantages in giving commissions to vessels owned by foreigners and likely to be manned by the refuse of the seafaring population, but as Franklin said, "The prisoners brought in serve to exchange our countrymen, which makes me more willing to encourage such armaments, though they occasion a good deal of trouble." (Wharton, iii, 364.) The Black Prince was commanded, for a time, at least, by Captain Stephen Merchant, who, after leaving her, returned to America, arriving in Boston about March 1, 1780. According to Merchant, "this ship was fitted out at Dunkirk under a Continental commission and colours . . . She went round the coasts of Britain and Ireland and in less than three months took 37 prizes; three of them were retaken, 4 burnt after taking out what was valuable, all the rest were either ransomed or arrived safe in port, by which the lowest men have made a little fortune. By instructions from Dr. Franklin the Captain was prohibited doing mischief above high water mark. This generous prohibition he punctually observed, though he had it frequently in his power to land and distress the inhabitants of Britain on their remotest coasts. The Black Prince, under Captain Dowlin, in April, 1780, captured a Dutch ship called the Flora with an English cargo. Franklin at once ordered the removal and condemnation of the cargo and the release of the vessel with payment of damages, giving his reasons in a letter to Vergennes, dated June 18.
Franklin explains his position on the subject of Privateering and especially of vessels fitted out by Frenchmen under the American flag. ,I beg leave to observe," he says, "that by the express words of the commission granted to them they are directed to submit the prizes they shall carry into any port in the dominions of a foreign state to the judgment of the admiralty courts established in such ports or states, and according to the usages there in force. Several of our first prizes brought into France were, if I mistake not, so judged; and it was not upon any request of mine that such causes were afterwards referred to me, nor am I desirous of continuing to exercise that jurisdiction. If therefore the judgment I have given in the case of the Flora is not approved and the Council of Prizes will take the trouble of re-examining and trying that cause and those of all other prizes to be brought in hereafter by American cruisers, it will be very agreeable to me and, from the very terms above mentioned of the commission, I think it will also be agreeable to the Congress. Nor do I desire to encourage the fitting out of privateers in France by the King's subjects with American commissions. I have had many applications of the kind which I have refused, advising the owners to apply for the commissions of his majesty. The case of the Black Prince was particular. She had been an old smuggler on the coasts of England and Ireland, was taken as such and carried into Dublin, where her crew found means to break prison, cut their vessel out of the harbor and escaped with her to Dunkerque. It was represented to me that the people, being all English and Irish, were afraid to continue their smuggling business, lest if they should be again taken they might be punished as British subjects for their crime at Dublin, and that they were willing to go a Privateering against the English; but speaking no other language, they imagined they might, if taken, better pass as Americans if they had an American commission than as Frenchmen if under a French commission. On these grounds I was applied to for a commission, which I granted believing that such a swift vessel with a crew that knew so well all parts of the enemy's coasts might greatly molest their coasting trade. Her first success occasioned adding the Black Princess by the same owners, and between them they have taken and sent in or ransomed or destroyed an amazing number of vessels; I think near eighty. But I shall continue to refuse granting any more commissions except to American vessels; and if, under the circumstances above represented, it is thought nevertheless inconvenient that the commissions of the Black Prince and Princess should continue, I will immediately recall them." (Wharton, iii, 802.)
Franklin wrote to the President of Congress, August 10, 1780, that these two vessels had taken in eighteen months nearly 120 prizes. In the summer of 1780 the Black Prince was wrecked on the French coast, but the Princess, under the command of Captain Edward Macatter, continued cruising, and between June 20 and July 10 made 28 captures. Vergennes advised the recall of these privateers' commissions. Franklin replied, August 15, that he had already recalled them and added: "I have had no other interest in those armaments than the advantage of some prisoners to exchange for my countrymen." (lbid., iv, 33.) These two vessels were the only ones owned and fitted out in France that had been granted commissions by Franklin. In August it was ordered by the King that the prizes of American privateers should be judged by the French Council of Prizes (lbid., iii, 364, 682, 801-803, iv, 26, 33; Continental Journal, March 9, 1780; London Post, July 21, 1780; Proc. U. S. Naval Inst., xxxvii (September, 1911), 954-960; Hale, ch. xvi; Williams, 278.)
" Franklin was practically secretary for the incipient American navy; he had to do with the purchasing of boats, the payment of men, and the complications which constantly resulted from the actions of these buccaneers. It was his own theory that all Privateering should be abolished. He urged not only that free ships should make free goods, but that unarmed trading vessels should be undisturbed in time of war, and an article to that effect he endeavored, without success, to have inserted in the treaty of peace between England and the United States. But no such principles had been adopted, and the doctor's abstract views did not prevent his assisting the American cruisers to do the greatest possible harm to English commerce." [qf. France in the Revolution, Ch VIII]
1780 The Mercury, a packet in the employ of Congress which had been stationed in Delaware Bay, set sail in August for Holland under the command of Captain Pickles, having on board as passenger Henry Laurens, who was sent on an important mission to the Dutch government. The Mercury was convoyed for a short distance by the Saratoga and early in September was captured by a British frigate off the Banks of Newfoundland. The dispatches, including a draft of a treaty with Holland, were thrown overboard, but did not sink and were recovered by the British. Laurens was confined about a year in the Tower of London (Mar. Com. Letter Book, 295, 311, 315 (June 19, August 11, 14,1780); Pap. Cont. Congr., 37, 431 (July 18,1780); Stevens, 930, 931.)
Admiral Rodney came out to the West Indies early in 1780 and remained there most of the time until 1782.
His first exploit was an encounter with a French fleet under the Comte de Guichen, which led to contentions with his captains due to misunderstanding bout signals. In September, Rodney went to New York for a short stay, arriving just in time to fall into a large amount of prize money, which came to him as senior officer on the station and would otherwise have gone to Admiral Arbuthnot. This occasioned a disagreeable quarrel between them. In a letter dated October 19, 1780, Rodney says to Arbuthnot: "I am honoured with your letter of the 16th Instant and am sorry that my Conduct has given you offence; none was intended on my part ... It was not inclination or Choice that brought me to America; it was the Duty I owed my King and Country. (Brit. Adm m. Rec., A. D. Leeward Islands, vii.)
Rodney returned to the West Indies in December.[1780]
1781 French & Americans beat the British at Yorktown
The Alliance, Captain Barry, sailed from Boston, February 11, 1781. The frigate arrived at L'Orient March 9.
Some distinguished passengers were taken, including Colonel John Laurens and Thomas Paine. Several others obtained passage on condition that if necessary they should serve against the enemy or in quelling mutiny. Laurens was a son of Henry Laurens, still a prisoner in England, and was bound on an important mission to France. He was the bearer of a letter, dated January 15, 1781, from General Washington, addressed to himself (Laurens), discoursing on the objects of his mission; it was afterwards submitted to Vergennes. In this letter, first of all, the imperative need of money to carry on the approaching campaign was urged. Washington then says: "Next to a loan of money, a constant naval superiority on these coasts is the object most interesting. This would instantly reduce the enemy to a difficult defensive and, by removing all prospect of extending their acquisitions, would take away the motives for prosecuting the war. Indeed, it is not to be conceived how they could subsist a large force in this country, if we had the command of the seas to interrupt the regular transmission of supplies from Europe. This superiority, with an aid in money, would enable us to convert the war into a vigorous offensive. I say nothing of the advantages to the trade of both nations, nor how infinitely it would facilitate our supplies. With respect to us, it seems to be one of two deciding points, and it appears too to be the interest of our allies, abstracted from the immediate benefits to this country, to transfer the naval war to America. The number of ports friendly to them, hostile to the British, the materials for repairing their disabled ships, the extensive supplies towards the subsistence of their fleet, are circumstances which would give them a palpable advantage in the contest of these seas." (Washington, ix, 106.) The Ariel, Jones, was sent back to France in the summer or early fall of 1781.
In December, 1780, war between Holland and England was declared, and in February, 1781, Admiral Rodney, the British naval commander-in-chief in the West Indies, seized the Dutch island of St. Eustatius, with a vast amount of property both public and private, thereby breaking up a depot for the supply and transshipment of goods and military stores, which had been during the war of great importance to the Americans and an invaluable aid to their cause. After the capture, through the very questionable expedient of leaving Dutch colors flying, Rodney was able greatly to increase the amount of booty by decoying into the roadstead many unsuspecting vessels. He wrote to Germain, March 26: "I may speak within bounds when I say that since taking this island upwards of two hundred thousand pounds in value of tobacco has fell into our hands." The spoils were sent home to England in thirty-four ships, most of which were captured by the French in the English Channel. Before the end of the year, St. Eustatius also was captured by the French (Mahan, 382; Channing, iii, 323-327; Almon, xi, 260, xiii, 119; Amer. Hist. Rev., viii (July, 1903), 699-708; London Chronicle, March 15, 1781; Boston Gazette, April 2, 1781 ; Navy Rec. Soc., xxxviii, 123-126; Stopford-Sackville MSS., 202, 207 (Rodney to Germain, March 4, 26, 1781); Letters of Lord Rodney. Rodney's letters disclose the vindictiveness which marked his conduct at St. Eustatius.)
A French packet from Martinique, was carried into Kinsale by the Paul, English privateer. During the action the Frenchman threw her principal packet overboard, but a number of letters happened to be overlooked in the confusion, which were brought to town [London] yesterday and confirm the following very disagreeable intelligence; ..... etc [ Sherborne Mercury, 2 April, 1781]
 John Paul Jones wrote to Washington, May 7, 1781: " Our Navy has been badly conducted; it has ever been without a head and is now almost entirely lost . . . I have pointed out many desirable operations that promised success and would have taught the barbarous Britain's humanity, but my voice has been as a cry in the desert. The importance and necessity of a marine establishment does not appear sufficiently impressed on the minds of our Legislature." (Sparks MSS., xii, 247) [qf. A Naval History of the American Revolution Ch. XV1 ]
 The Fortune sloop, one of Admiral Rodney's cruizers, has taken and carried into Barbadoes a Spanish packet with dispatches for the Governor of Havannah to Cadiz; but the dispatches were thrown over board. [ Sherborne Mercury, 17 August,1781]
1781
JUNE 1, 1781
The committee appointed to confer with the minister plenipotentiary of France, report, that on the second conference with the minister of France, he communicated some parts of a despatch dated the 7th of August, 1780, the first part relating to losses suffered by French merchants, either trading with private houses in America, or engaged in transactions of commerce for Congress, or the several states.
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS INSTRUCTIONS TO JOHN ADAMS, BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY, HENRY LAURENS, AND THOMAS JEFFERSON, JUNE 15, 1781
You are hereby authorised and instructed to concur, in behalf of these United States, with his Most Christian Majesty, in accepting the mediation proposed by the Empress of Russia and the Emperor of Germany..........you are at liberty to agree to a truce, or to make such other concessions as may not affect the substance of what we contend for; and provided that Great Britain be not left in possession of any part of the thirteen United States.
KNOW YE, That we, still continuing earnestly desirous, as far as depends upon us, to put a stop to the effusion of blood, and to convince the powers of Europe that we wish for nothing more ardently than to terminate the war by a safe and honourable peace, have thought proper to renew the powers formerly given to the said John Adams, [dated 14 August, 1779, and 18 October, 1780 ] and to join four other persons in commission with him; and having full confidence in the integrity, prudence, and ability of the honourable Benjamin Franklin, our minister plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, the honourable John Jay, late President of Congress, and chief justice of the State of New York, and our minister plenipotentiary at the Court of Madrid, and the honourable Henry Laurens, formerly President of Congress, and commissionated and sent as our agent to the United Provinces of the low countries, and the honourable Thomas Jefferson, governour of the Commonwealth of Virginia--have nominated, constituted and appointed, and by these presents do nominate, constitute and appoint the [afore] said .....
Exchange of prisoners.
The minister plenipotentiary of these United States at the Court of Versailles, be authorised and empowered to offer Lieutenant General Burgoyne in exchange for the Hon. H. Laurens.
[Presumably, this was agreed and the exchange took place...because, ] Congress resolved "That two more persons, making in the whole four, be joined to the honorable John Adams in negotiating a treaty of peace with Great Britain; Mr. Henry Laurens was put in nomination by Mr. [Theodorick] Bland. Congress proceeded to the election; and the ballots being taken:
The honourable Benjamin Franklin,
The honourable Henry Laurens, and
An example of how America depended upon a supply of European [woolen] manufactured goods, is seen by a Board of War reference to clothing the troops, in this case, paid out of funds drawn down by Franklin from the French War Loan. ["In giving an account of the subsidy granted by the king of France, the minister concluded by observing, that the Count de Vergennes writes that what remains of the six millions, after purchasing the supplies of arms and ammunition, would be at the disposal of Congress.... the chevalier mentioned the sums that had been procured for these states since the beginning of the year 1780. That in that year the Count de Vergennes had on his own credit procured for Doctor Franklin three millions of livres. That in December Doctor Franklin wanted one million more to honour the bills drawn by Congress; and that he received the fourth million. That in the course of the present year, the Count has procured for him on loan four millions of livres, which make eight millions borrowed on the guaranty of France since the aforementioned period. And now the king makes a gratuitous donation of the subsidy of six millions, which in the whole make up the sum of fourteen millions since the commencement of the year 1780."]
The minister informed the committee that the Court of Versailles had neglected nothing to procure arms, ammunition and clothing for Congress
All Articles imported from Europe to be received and when necessary, made up and forwarded by the respective Agent Clotheirs.
That the [four] Cloathing Agents be and they are hereby directed to transmit weekly General accounts of Prices of the articles within their Departments, that the Cloathier General with the concurrence of the Board of War, may so far as may be [possible] prevent competition in purchases and extravagance in prices. That all non-commissioned officers and soldiers, artificers and waggoners who are or may hereafter be inlisted during the war, be annually furnished with one regimental coat, full made; one cloth vest; one pair of cloth breeches; one pair of woollen overalls; two pair of woollen hose; two pair of woollen socks; one felt hat or leather cap; four shirts; two pairs of linen overalls; [one leather or worsted stock] four pairs strong shoes; one blanket; one rifle shirt, and one pair of woollen gloves: Also, one pair of shoe-buckles and one stock-clasp, every two years: The dragoons to receive two pair of boots and one pair of spurs, instead of the shoes and buckles, annually; also, a horseman's cloak every two years. That summer cloathing be ready to be issued on the 15th day of April, annually, and the winter cloathing on the 1st day of November following.[qf. Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 JUNE 18, 1781 ]
On rights of neutrality: France considered the British more and more as the tyrants of the sea. The king's council requested Congress adopt the principles of the neutral powers laid down on 26 July, 1778, in an ordinance of the king. The minister thought it important for the United States to conform their maritime laws to that system, as they would thereby conciliate to themselves the benevolence of the neutral powers. He observed that American privateers had presumed to stop neutral vessels loaded with English merchandise, which had given rise to unfavourable observations and complaints against the United States. He observed that Holland had taken a part in the association of the northern courts; and that therefore she ought to be comprehended in the orders of Congress. But, if Congress adopted a conduct similar to that of France, they would extend their orders in favour of all neutral powers generally.
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Letters From An American Farmer, by J. Hector St. John De Crevecoeur
LETTERS TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN FROM MME. DE HOUDETOT AND CREVECOEUR, REPRINTED FROM ORIGINALS IN THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY AT PHILADELPHIA.
From the Countess d' Houdetot.
I was given to hope in the Spring, my dear doctor, that I should see you some day at Sanois, at the place where I preserve at least a memory of the moments that you were pleased to pass there, and where with tender interest I still cultivate the monument which you left of your stay. The losses which I have experienced and the circumstances in which I was placed, have not allowed me this year to express to you in person my anxiety to see you in my home, and to cultivate the good opinion that you were kind enough to bestow upon me. May I, my dear doctor, make use of it now, in regard to a young American who has just arrived and who should have been presented and recommended to you before? He is a French man by birth, but for a long time has been established in your country, under the protection of your laws, to which he is faithful. He has come here to see his family after having lost the greater part of his possessions through the present war. His name is Crevecoeur, and he is the son of a friend, of more than twenty years' standing, of my husband and myself. I beg of you for him all the kindness and care that are in your power and that circumstances permit. All that I can add, my dear doctor, to the sentiments of attachment and veneration with which you have inspired me is the regret not to be able to assure you of their continuance as warmly as I should like. It is with these sentiments, my dear doctor, that I have the honor to remain, during all my life, your very humble and very obedient servant.
August 10, 1781 . Kindly address your reply: Rue St. Honore pres la place de Vendome.
Caen 27th Augt. 1781.
Sir:
Chance Enabled me the other day to take 5 Americans by ye hand who had fortunately escaped from ye English prisons & Crossed the Channell,--[Americans were mostly confined at Mill Prison, Plymouth and Forton Prison, Portsmouth]
Luckily for me as well as for them I was Just arrived from N. America: where I have resided 27 years--I brought them to my father's Seat, who Tells me that he had Several Times the pleasure of dining with you at the Count de Houdetot's--the Capt. of ye boat readily put them under my Care, thence I brought them here, and presented them to ye Count de Blanchy the Commandant of this Province, who received them with Kindness and left them under my Care--they gave their declarations before the admiralty, & were duly acknowledg'd to be Americans--as they are genteel discreet men from the Massachusetts I have placed them in a good House and procured them the Hospitality of the City--all went on well when I heard that their boat belonged of right to the Duke of Ponthievre--In consequence of this Information I visited the Intendent's, who Told me that if I wrote a petition in their name to the admiral, he would Inclose it in a Letter of his & recommend the contents; this I have done & thought it my duty to send you a Copy of ye Same, that you may if necessary unite your good Endeavours in order to procure to the 5 brave men the Slender Plank on which they have reached this shore--however, as it is uncertain, whether or no the Ravens of office will not Swallow all-I have procured them all they want--one of the Company Luckily heard Yesterday that his brother was the Second in Command on board the black Princess--him I have sent off by the Post, with a Sufficient Passeport--the other intend for L'Orient as soon as they have heard from you--that space of Time they shall pass at my Father's house- The adventure of these Men as well as that of many more who have Landed here, hath Suggested me an Idea which I beg to Communicate--Policy as well as humanity points out the Necessity of appointing in these Ports some Persons who should have proper authority to claim protect and befriend all such Americans as shoud Land on this Coast--by those simple Means those people woud find protection everywhere & not be exposed as many of them are to be treated as English prisoners, which Treatment Tends to Nourish prejudices, that ought to be extinguished--if from the Information you might receive of me from the Count de Houdetot you thought me capable of discharging this office I'd readily accept of it without either fee or Reward, glad on the contrary as a good Frenchman and as a good American to contribute my Mite towards the Success of this grand this usefull revolution-Excuse this Letter it is Zeal and the purest Zeal which hath dictated it; with so much the more confidence that tho' I have not the pleasure of being acquainted with you, yet I well know Mr. John Jay now in Spaign, Mr. Governor Morris, Mr. Duwane* (sic) &c. & all the New York delegates--I hope the representations these 5 Americans have made you will be Successful, for they are worthy of your patronage. I hope also that you will approve my conduct and Intentions.
I Remain with the most unfeigned Respect, Your very Humble Servant
St. John.
[* James Duane (1733-1797); member of the Continental Congress, and first Mayor of New York under the city's new charter derived from the State Legislature]
At Mr. Le Mozier Merchd Rue St. Jean, Caen, Sept. 26, 1781.
Sir :
Yes Sir I am the Same Person whom Madame La Comtesse de Houdetot has been so kind as to mention to you,--the Reason of this mistake proceeds from the Singularity of ye French Customs, which renders their Names, allmost arbitrary, & often leads them to forget their Family ones; it is in Consequence of this, that there are more alias dictios in this than in any other Country in Europe. the name of our Family is St. Jean, in English St. John, a name as Antient as the Conquest of England by Wm. the Bastard.- I am so great a Stranger to the manners of this, tho' my native Country (having quitted it very young) that I never dreamt I had any other, than the old family name--I was greatly astonished when at my late return, I saw myself under the Necessity of being Called by that of Crevecoeur,--Excuse this Tedious explanation, which I hope you will not think Improper, as I have run the risk of either remaining unknown to you, or of Loosing the good effects which were Intended by Madame la Comtesse de Houdetot in mentioning me to you--I don't mean to be Troublesome, very far from it, I am much more ambitious of ye Honor of your Esteem than of any thing else; I flatter myself with being able to Cultivate that of your acquaintance this Winter--being invited to spend [letter torn] Le Marquis de Turgot's house brother to ye Late Comptrolleur general--the Intendant of the City has thought proper to write to ye Insignificant admiralty of Bayuex, in consequence of which I have been put in posession of ye wherry in which the 5 Americans Came over; this has prevented the Intendant from Sending to ye admiral the Memorial, a copy of which I had taken the Liberty to send you. No Sooner had I received the wherry than I offered it to ye Intendant who accepted of it--as soon as he make me some pecuniary Present, which I expect, I have informed my friends at Lorient to draw on me for the Sum granted whatever it will be --I have not Seen the Intendant yet- Poor Col. Palfry.[ William Palfrey (1741-1780); aide of Washington, and Paymaster-General. In 1780 he was appointed Consul-General to France by a unanimous vote of Congress, by the ship on which he sailed was lost with all on board]. I am Sincerely sorry for him; after having served his Country in the field, he wou'd have greatly have Served her here also, where such an Establishment is so Necessary--I earnestly wish them another equally capable may succeed him--the English Language being Common to both the Americans as well as to the Inhabitants of Great Britain the former become often Exposed to be Treated as Ennemies Instead of being taken by the hand & received as Friends-
I thank you very kindly for your recommendations, I make no doubt of their Weight
I have the honor to be with unfeigned Respect Sir, Your Very Humble Servant
St. John De Crevecoeur
Chez Mr. Le Mozier Marchd Rue St. Jean Caen-
The gentleman who recommended himself. my dear doctor, as coming from me, and under the name of St. John, is the one of whom I had the honor of speaking to you under the name of Crevecoeur which is borne by his father, whose friend I have been for twenty years. As the son has not been living in this country I have no personal knowledge of him, but I have always heard him well spoken of by his father, and it is for his sake, my dear doctor, that I claim your kindness for his son. I know that he is very much attached to the United States and that no one has felt more than he the calamities attendant upon the present war. I therefore beg of you, my dear doctor, to do everything for him that your affairs permit. I have been unwell for several days and could not answer your letter sooner. I hope, my dear doctor, that Winter will enable me to see you again. In the mean time, give me a little place in your remembrance, and be well assured of all the sentiments of attachment, of esteem, and of veneration, with which I have the honor to be, my dear doctor, your very humble and very obedient servant.
(Signed) La Comtesse d'Houdetot.
Sanois, Oct. 30, 1781.
Sanois+, Oct. 18, 1782.
......Permit me to add that I am the Person who under the Name of St. Jean de Crevecoeur had the honor of dining With your Excellency Last March, [1782] With ye Comtesse de Houdetot & who last July Sent you, by the hands of Mr. Turgot a book Intitled, Letters of An American Farmer.-
I am With the most unfeigned Respect
Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble Servant
H. St. John
[ Note: An interesting detail given in Guyot de Fere's article in the Nouville Biographie Generale should not be overlooked. The kindness shown by Crevecoeur to the five Americans, described in his letter of August 27, 1781, was returned to him with interest. Learning of the incident, a gentleman of Boston, by the name of Fellows, was so much affected by it that when later he heard that Crevecoeur's wife was dead and his children in distress, the kind man hastened from Boston to New York to lend his aid. Vide, Journal de l'Empire, November 21, 1813, and Lair, Mem. de las Soc. d' Agric. de Caen, 1823. See also Sabin's Bibliotheca Americana for details as to the translations of the Letters, which include both a German and a Dutch version of 1784.]
1781 Before the end of 1781, the Continental navy was reduced to the lowest point it reached during the war. The frigates Alliance and Deane now constituted the whole strength of the navy in commission. 550 letters of marque were issued to private armed vessels by the Continental Congress in 1781, a much larger number than in any other year and an increase over the figures for 1780 of 249. (Naval Records (calendar), 217-495.) This indicates a decided activity and enterprise on the part of American privateers. After the victory at Yorktown it was deemed necessary to send the Alliance again to France with Lafayette. Washington wrote to Lafayette, November 15, 1781, once more strongly urging the importance of sea power. If De Grasse had remained a few weeks longer on the American coast, the English forces in the Southern States, in Washington's opinion, would have suffered "total extirpation." A constant naval superiority would terminate the war speedily; without it I do not know that it will ever be terminated honorably." (Washington, ix, 406, 407.)
Lafayette proceeded to Boston and on board the Alliance. Several other passengers accompanied him. Morris issued minute instructions, dated November 27, 1781, in which Captain Barry was directed to give special attention to the comfort of his passengers. "Let it be done with discretion; remember that we are not rich enough to be extravagant, nor so poor as to act meanly." The importance of landing these distinguished persons safely was such that it would be necessary to avoid all vessels, it being the sole object "to make a quiet and safe passage to some port in France." The Alliance was to remain in Europe until about the 1st of March, cruising "where you can promise yourself of the best chance of Success "; she was then to set sail from L'Orient on her return voyage, taking as many prizes on the way as possible and finally putting into the most convenient American port, preferably Philadelphia, there to await further instructions. The frigate's crew was finally made up. A number of French sailors were obtained through the efforts of the French minister and some of the Deane's crew were transferred to the Alliance. She sailed December 23, 1781, and in spite of her orders to avoid all vessels, she made a prize of a large ship from Jamaica which was sent into Boston. The frigate arrived at L'Orient, January 18, 1782 (Barry, 153-161; Independent Chronicle, January 24, 1782.)
1782
EARLY in the year 1782, the subject of peace began to occupy the attention of the British Parliament. The capture of Lord Cornwallis's army at Yorktown, the inability of the ministers to supply the place of these troops for another campaign, the fact that Holland had recently joined the belligerents against England, the enormous expenses of the war; all these things bad contributed to open the eyes of the people, and to raise a general clamor for peace. The tone of the King's speech to parliament, which convened soon after the intelligence of Cornwallis's defeat reached England, was somewhat more subdued than it had been before; yet such was the force of habit in wording the royal speeches, that even now, when the Americans had nobly sustained themselves as an independent nation for more than five years, captured two British armies, and taken away the last hope from their enemies of conquering them, the King could not refrain from talking of his rebellious and deluded subjects; although he did not, as on former occasions, boast of his prowess, and of the ample means subjugation, which he had at command.
It was soon discovered in Parliament, that the public sentiment had communicated itself to that body, and that the overwhelming majority, which had sustained the ministers through the war, was greatly reduced, if not annihilated. The matter was brought to a trial by a motion of General Conway, that an address should be presented to his Majesty, praying that the war in America might cease, and that measures should be taken for restoring tranquillity and a reconciliation. The motion gave rise to a debate, which was animated on both sides, and it was finally lost by a majority of one only in favor of the ministers, and for continuing the war.
This vote was the signal for a dissolution of the ministry. Lord North resigned, and there was a total change of ministry and measures. The new administration was formed in March. The Marquis of Rockingham was prime minister; the Earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox, the two principal secretaries of state. This ministry came into power, as Mr. Fox more than once declared in Parliament, with the express understanding, that the fundamental principle of their measures was to be "the granting of unequivocal and unconditional independence to America." For some time they seemed to act on this principle. The two secretaries corresponded directly with Dr. Franklin on the subject of peace, and they sent Mr. Richard Oswald over to Paris early in April, with authority to consult him on the mode of beginning and pursuing a negotiation. Mr. Thomas Grenville was likewise sent to confer with Count de Vergennes in reference to the preliminaries for a general peace between all the powers at war. Nothing more could be done till Parliament should pass an act enabling the King to enter into a formal negotiation.
As to the mode of conducting the negotiations, Dr. Franklin said he thought it would be best for the British negotiators to appear under separate commissions, one for the American treaty, and another for those of the European powers, since the topics to be discussed were entirely distinct; and, as this mode would have greater simplicity, the object might be the sooner and more easily attained. The British ministry approved and adopted this suggestion, and their envoys were accordingly furnished with separate commissions.
Both Mr. Grenville and Mr. Oswald, at their several interviews, assured Count de Vergennes and Dr. Franklin, that the point of independence had been conceded, and that it was to be granted in the first instance, before the treaty was begun. It was agreed between the British and French cabinets, that the negotiations should take place at Paris. Mr. Grenville remained there. Mr. Oswald went back to London, but returned in a few days. In the mean time Mr. Grenville received a commission, which he understood to authorize him to treat with France and America; but there was not a word in it about any other power than France. When this defect was pointed out to Mr. Grenville, be said, that, though his commission was silent in regard to America, yet his instructions gave him ample powers. Dr. Franklin was not satisfied with this explanation, and be said that the commission must be put in a proper form for treating with the United States, or no treaty could be held. Finding him firm in this decision, Mr. Grenville despatched an express to London with the commission, which came back so altered as to authorize him to treat "with France, or any other Prince or State. "This form was no more satisfactory than the other. On perusing it, Dr. Franklin told Mr. Grenville, that " he did not think it could be fairly supposed, that his court meant, by the general words any other State, to include a people whom they did not allow to be a State;" and he refused to consider Mr. Grenville as empowered to act in the American treaty under this commission.
After what had been said and repeated, by Mr. Oswald and Mr. Grenville, of the readiness of the British government to enter into a treaty on reasonable terms, this kind of shuffling displeased both Dr. Franklin and Count de Vergennes. They began to suspect it to be an artifice to gain time, and that some recent successes in the West Indies had encouraged the court of St. James to prosecute the war, or, at least, to put off the treaty, with the hope of securing more favorable terms in consequence of these successes. There were, perhaps, some grounds for these suspicions, though the main difficulty arose, as soon appeared, from another cause. News arrived of the death of the Marquis of Rockingham, the dissolution of the British cabinet, and the formation of a new one. This happened in July, the Rockingham administration having existed only two months and a half. The Earl of Shelburne was raised to the station of prime minister; Mr. Fox retired, and the principal secretaries of State were Earl Grantham and Mr. Townshend.
 London July 12th. Yesterday Lord Barrington kissed the King's hand at St. James's on his appointment to be joint Postmaster-General, in the room of the late Lord Le Despencer. [ Sherborne Mercury, 14 July, 1782]
 The defeat of De Grasse by Rodney in the West Indies, in April, 1782, revived the spirits and restored the confidence of the British. The British state of mind after Yorktown was of course unknown in America (Sparks MSS., Iviii, 145-149; Navy Rec. Soc., xxxviii, 73, 77-80.)
1782 The merchants of Philadelphia had purchased on their own responsibility and fitted out as a privateer under a Continental commission a ship called the Hyder Ally. She was armed with four nine-pounders and twelve sixes and manned by a crew 120. The command was given to Joshua Barney, a lieutenant in the Continental navy, who had recently returned from a long imprisonment in England (Barney, 303; Pap. Cont. Congr., 41, 6, 283 (April 29, 1782), 28, 241, 243a (May 2, 4, 1782), 137, 1, 435 (May 4, 1782).)
On April 7, the Hyder Ally with a convoy of merchantmen dropped down the bay to Cape May Road. Here they were seen towards evening by the British frigate Quebec and the sloop of war General Monk, formerly the American privateer General Washington, which anchored outside the capes. ....Captain Rogers was under the mortifying necessity of striking his Majesty's colours to the Hyder Ally, of 18 long nine and six pounders and between 130 and 140 men, belonging to the state of Philadelphia." (London Chronicle, September 10, 1782.) The General Monk, according to the same authority, was armed with eighteen nine-pounder carronades and two sixes; her crew numbered a hundred and ten. Her loss was eight killed and thirty-two wounded, four of them mortally; the Hyder Ally lost four killed and eleven wounded. The time of the action was about half an hour..... The capture of the Monk produced great satisfaction in Philadelphia. A dispatch from that place says: "Capt. Barney with the officers and men of the State ship Hyder Ally have received the thanks of the honorable House of Assembly of Pennsylvania as a mark of the high sense which they entertain of their bravery and intrepid conduct in the above action; and have also ordered that an elegant sword be presented to Capt. Barney." (Boston Gazette, May 6, 1782.) Some time after her capture, the General Monk was purchased by the national government and taken into the Continental navy under her original name of General Washington. Barney was given command of her and she was used as a [Congressional] packet (Barney, 112-117, 304-308; Freeman's Journal, April 10, 1782; Penn. Gazette, April 17, 1782; Boston Gazette, April 22, May 6, 1782; Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1878, Matthewman's narrative; Brit. Adm. Rec., A. D. 490, May 10, 1782.)
The prize ship General Washington, formerly the General Monk, was not purchased by the Continental government until September, 1782, but in May she was loaned by the owners to Robert Morris, who sent her to the West Indies in June under the command of Joshua Barney. She sailed down the bay with a convoy which returned upon seeing a British squadron outside. The General Washington managed to elude the enemy and got to sea. Upon approaching Cape Francois she fought an action with a British privateer and captured another vessel which she sent into port. At Cape Francois, Barney learned of Rodney's victory over de Grasse and found the remnant of the French fleet under the Marquis de Vaudreuil, who a little later took his ships to Boston. The letters of Robert Morris, which Barney had with him, procured for him the escort of a French sixty-four-gun ship, to insure the safety of his mission, which was the shipment of a large quantity of specie from Havana to the United States. All this was accomplished, and the Washington again ran by the British fleet off the Delaware capes, and, after destroying a number of the enemy's barges in the bay, returned to Philadelphia, July 17 (Barney, ch. x; Freeman's Journal, July 24, 1782; Independent Chronicle, August 8, 1782; Mag. Amer. Hist., March, 1878, Matthewman's narrative.)
Under orders of Morris, dated October 7, 1782, the General Washington sailed for France [as a packet] with dispatches for Franklin; after a short passage she arrived at L'Orient before the end of the month. In January, 1783, she sailed on the return voyage and arrived at Philadelphia, March 12 (Barney, ch. xi; Barry, 184; Boston Gazette, March 24, 1783; Adams MSS., December 18, 1782, Barney to Adams.)
The battle between the Alliance and the Sybil was doubtless the last naval action of the Revolution, with the possible exception of some Privateering exploit. Provisional articles of peace had been signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, and on January 20, 1783, an armistice had been arranged. In compliance with this, dispatches were sent to belligerents on land and sea proclaiming the cessation of hostilities.
The Alliance sailed from L'Orient, December 8, on a cruise. On January 8, 1783, she arrived at Martinique, where Barry found orders to proceed to Havana. On the way thither he was chased by a British fleet and again by a seventy- four and a frigate. At Havana he found the twenty-gun ship Duc de Lauzun, which had been purchased by Morris for the Continental navy. Barry's orders were to sail at once for the United States with this vessel in company and with a quantity of specie for the use of Congress. After a delay of about three weeks, owing to the fact of the port of Havana being closed by an embargo, the Alliance and the Duc de Lauzun, Captain Green, sailed March 6. On the 10th, they saw three sail, which gave chase. The strangers turned out to be the British frigates Alarm and Sybil, and the sloop Tobago.
...The Alliance lost ten wounded, one of them mortally; the Sybil, two killed and six wounded. The Alliance bore away for Newport, arriving there March 20. The Lauzun got into Philadelphia on the 21st. The Alliance a few days later went up to Providence, where in due time the crew were paid off and discharged (Barry, ch. xviii; Independent Chronicle, February 27, 1783; Continental Journal, February 27, 1783.)
In the newspapers appeared the following order signed by Robert Morris: "To all Captains, Commanders, Masters and other officers of armed vessels, commissioned by the United States in Congress assembled, and to all others whom it shall or may in any wise concern: According to the orders of the United States in Congress unto me given on the 24th day of this present month of March, I do hereby recall all armed vessels cruising under commissions from the United States of America, whereof you will please to take notice. Done in the Marine Office of the United States of America, this twenty-fifth day of March, in the Year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty-three." (Mass. Spy, April 17, 1783.) The signing of the definitive treaty, September 3, 1783, and its ratification by Congress, January 14, 1784, were the remaining steps necessary for the establishment of peace.
[qf. A Naval History of the American Revolution, Ch. XVII The End of the War, 1782 & 1783.]
1783
Chez Mr. Le Marquis de Blangy Lieut-General Caen-Normandie
3d JanY 1783-
M. de Crevecoeur is very anxious, my dear doctor, for an answer which he expects from you in regard to the matter of which he spoke to
you recently. As he is obliged to give an account of it to M. de Castries, it is very important that he should receive this answer, and he thought that I might help to hasten it. The esteem in which I hold him and the extreme interest which I have in him will not permit me to refuse, knowing very well the embarrassment into which your failure to reply would put him with M. de Castries, with whom he has an interview on Friday not only in regard to that matter but to others of importance to him. I still hope, my dear doctor, to have the pleasure of seeing you at 8 o'clock on Thursday. You know how great a value I place on this meeting.
La Ctesse d' Houdetot.
Will you kindly send me by the porter a muff which I left at your house?
Wednesday, April 2, 1783.
[Is the Comptess d'Houdetot the lady Franklin is supposed to have proposed to, but was turned down...?]
June 25th 1783. To Dr. Franklin, Paris.
Dear Sir,
I must confess I have taken a long time to acknowledge the last letter you were pleased to write me on the 24th of March [1783 ??] from New York. I am happy however to learn from my nephew Mr. George Middleton, that you enjoy good health and that, as the French were about to establish five Packet Boats at L'Orient, Port Louis, for the purpose of a monthly correspondence between that port and New York, you were desirous of knowing the intentions of England on that subject.
I am going out of Town for a few days and do not write to you quite officially at present, but I can venture to assure you it is the wish of His Majesty's Post Master General to continue this communication with New York by the Packet Boats and that the mails should be dispatched back to and from that place the first Wednesday in every month as at present, and to appoint an Agent to reside at New York for the management of the business there.
If this should meet your ideas, very little Regulation will be necessary for carrying on the correspondence with the United States, after New York has been evacuated, as the Packet Postage for a single letter and so in proportion, as settled by Act of Parliament, must be continued, but I do not know how far it might be of advantage to both countries to leave it, as at present, to the option of the writer to pay or not the post beforehand, and keep accounts on both sides of the Internal Postage up to London and to New York, and therefore I should be glad to be favoured with your sentiments fully upon the point, or upon any other, not doubting from my long experience of your candour and abilities, that every thing will be easily adjusted to the reciprocal advantage of both countries.
When any arrangement may be settled, it will be necessary to apprise the public by advertisement that letters to and from any parts of the Continent of Europe must of necessity be enclosed to some correspondent on account of the postage.
I send you herewith a separate packet, at Mr. Maddison's request, a collection of ther [the/their?] Post Office Statutes with some other papers, and should be glad for my own curiosity to know what kind of Packets the French propose to employ. Ours are about 200 tons, coppered, and 30 men officers included.
I am, Dear Sir, with the greatest truth and respect, Your most obedient and most humble servant.
Anthony Todd, Secretary [General Post Office, London]
[qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783) Re: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (pp.300-302) ]
Mr. Fox declared in Parliament, that he had left the cabinet wholly on the ground of American independence; that be had supposed this was to be granted in the first instance, and unconditionally; that he felt himself pledged to support this measure; that he found other counsels prevailing in the cabinet and that, consequently, his only course was to retire. It was known, also, that Lord Shelburne, though friendly to the colonies and opposed to the war, had often declared himself against independence; but, the new Administration having come into power on the basis of peace, it was supposed that he had changed his mind in this particular His friends in Parliament insisted that he had done so, notwithstanding Mr. Fox's explanation implying the contrary. It is moreover to be observed, that there were political and personal differences, of long standing, between Lord Shelburne and Mr. Fox, which prevented their acting together in harmony, and that they had not agreed with respect to the negotiations, which bad been begun.
The new ministry being formed, however, under Lord Shelburne, he managed the peace in his own way; and it turned out, that Mr. Fox was right in saying, that the recognition of independence in the first instance was not a measure, which this minister bad sought to promote, although the commissioners in Paris bad been officially authorized to make this declaration to Dr. Franklin. After the Marquis of Rockingham's death, there was evidently an intention in the cabinet to establish the peace on a different basis, and to grant independence for an equivalent, to be rendered by the United States, either in commercial privileges or a cession of territory.
In this state of affairs, Mr. Grenville, who bad been appointed by the influence of Mr. Fox, was recalled from Paris, and his place was supplied by Mr. Fitzherbert, properly commissioned to negotiate with France, Spain, and Holland. The American treaty was left in the hands of Mr. Oswald. As yet, neither Mr. Adams nor Mr. Jay, who were associated with Dr. Franklin in the commission for peace, had arrived in Paris, the former being employed in Holland, and the latter in Spain; but Mr. Jay joined him soon afterwards. Mr. Laurens, the other commissioner, was in England, having recently been discharged from his imprisonment in the Tower, in exchange for Lord Cornwallis. He took no part in the treaty till just at its close.
August 22nd, 1783. To Dr. Franklin, Paris.
This morning, Mr. Potter delivered to me your kind letter of the 17th instant [August].
I now enclose according to your desire without loss of time a copy of mine to you which you happen to have [deliberately?] mislaid of 25th June last and I should be very much obliged to you for your opinion of the matters therein as soon as it may be in your power particularly as the French Packet Boats are to take place between Port Louis and New York in the course of the next month.
I thank you very much for you valuable and kind offer to assist, any person with you[r] advice whom the Postmaster General may send over to Paris with instructions for settling such points as respect the American Packet boats, both English and French, and the exchanges of the news conveyed by them.
These and other negotiations with the Post Office, appear at present very properly to pass through the hands of Mr. Maddison Secretary of our Embassy at Paris, who, with the approbation of the secretary of State here, and of our Ambassador at that Court, will be inclined to take charge of them and being my nephew also, will engage you from my antient experience of your friendship to afford him every consistent aid in your power and if you have an opportunity to shew him this letter, you will oblige me much and I do assure you I remain with true respect. - Dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant. Anthony Todd, Secretary.
[qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783) Re: BENJAMIN FRANKLIN (p.308) ]
September 19th, 1783. To. His Excellency, Dr. Franklin, Paris.
Sir,
I had the pleasure of forwarding you on the 22nd past, and since that time a great deal of sorrow has fallen to my share by the unexpected death of my beloved nephew Mr. George Maddison, who is also an heavy loss to me and others in a public capacity, and particularly as he was so well informed in the negotiations going forward between this and the French Post Office, and also yourself respecting the conveyance of letters both English and French by Packet Boats to and from New York. That part however, with your usual good abilities, willingness to oblige me on all occasions, you can easily suppose, and even settle between this Post Office and that of Paris without any person going from hence in whatever may relate to the conveyance of letters to or from New York by the way of England or France.
Anthony Todd. [qf. POST 48/4 AMERICAN LETTER BOOK (1773-1783). BENJAMIN FRANKLIN. (p. 313)]
Mr. Oswald received his instructions from Lord Shelburne, and was told that his commission would speedily follow. He had held many conversations with Dr. Franklin at various times during three months, in which all the fundamental articles of a treaty had been more or less canvassed.
Mr. Oswald to Lord Shelburne:"The articles, necessary to be granted, were, First, independence, full and complete in every sense, to the Thirteen States; and all troops to be withdrawn from there. Secondly, a settlement of the boundaries of their colonies and the loyal colonies. Thirdly, a confinement of the boundaries of Canada; at least to what they were before the last act of Parliament, in 1774, if not to a still more contracted state, on au, ancient footing. Fourthly, a freedom of fishing or the Banks of Newfoundland and elsewhere, as well for fish as whales.
"The advisable articles, or such as he would, as a friend, recommend to be offered by England, were, First, to indemnify many people, who had been ruined by towns burnt and destroyed. The whole might not exceed five or six hundred thousand pounds. I was struck at this. However, the Doctor said, though it was a large sum, yet it would not be ill bestowed, as it would conciliate the resentment of a multitude of poor sufferers, who could have no other remedy, and who, without some relief, would keep up a spirit of revenge and animosity for a long time to come against Great Britain; whereas a voluntary offer of such reparation would diffuse a universal calm and conciliation over the whole country. Secondly, some kind of acknowledgment, in some public act of Parliament or otherwise, of our error in distressing those countries so much as we had done. A few words of that kind, the Doctor said, would do more good than people could imagine. Thirdly, colony ships and trade to be received, and have the same privileges in Britain and Ireland, as British ships and trade; British and Irish ships in the colonies to be in like manner on the same footing with their own ships Fourthly, giving up every part of Canada."
These terms were sent over to the ministry, and Mr. Oswald was authorized to treat, by assuming the articles, here mentioned as necessary, for the basis of his negotiation. It hence appears, that, at the outset, Dr. Franklin not only insisted on the fisheries as necessary to be granted, but the British ministers decided to yield them, although they afterwards struggled hard to have this decision reversed.
Three months from the time the discussions first commenced between Dr. Franklin and Mr. Oswald, negotiators were ready to enter upon the solid part of their work. Independence, the boundaries, and the fisheries, were the three great points to be arranged. The first was settled at once. The boundary question was more complex; it led to long discussions, to the examining of maps and ancient documents, and to such ingenious arguments and counter-arguments as diplomatists know how to use. It was finally adjusted to the satisfaction of the parties.
The right to catch fish, in the ocean, at such a distance from the coast as not to interfere with the jurisdiction over any territory, is given by nature to all mankind, and is recognised by the laws of nations, although it is sometimes encroached upon by the usurpation of maritime powers. This right had been exercised by the Americans along their own coast, from the first settlement of the country, in common with the British. As to the Banks of Newfoundland, and other fishing grounds in that quarter, they had shared in the wars for maintaining, and extending the liberty of fishing there, and in this view they possessed the same title to it as the inhabitants of Great Britain. They had not forfeited it by the Revolution, any more than they bad forfeited the right to navigate their own bays and rivers. In short, the case was so plain, that no difficulty was made about it at the beginning of the negotiation; for we have seen, that it was included in the necessary articles first proposed by Dr. Franklin. No objection was then made to it; and, in fact, Mr. Oswald was instructed to admit this article.
When, however, the negotiation seemed nearly at a close, the various propositions in the treaty having been carried back and forth by messengers between Paris and London, an effort was unexpectedly made by the British ministry to extort better terms. They, now revived the question of the boundaries; but it was their great object to obtain compensation for the loyalists, or Tories whose property had been confiscated, and many of whom had been banished from the country. If this could not be done, it was their next object to retain the fisheries as an equivalent. Mr. Strachey went over to Paris, and he and Mr. Fitzherbert united their forces with Mr. Oswald to push these points with all their might. At this time Mr. Adams had joined his colleagues, having arrived in Paris near the end of October, a month before the treaty was signed. Coming fresh to the conflict, he exerted himself on every point with his usual ardor and energy; and the British claim to the fisheries, in particular, was resisted by him with great strength of argument and a determined spirit.
In regard to the loyalists, none of the American commissioners ever gave the least hope, that any thing could be done in their favor. Dr. Franklin discarded the idea, most pointedly, in his first conversations with Mr. Oswald. The commissioners had no power to act in the case; Congress had none. The property of the loyalists had been confiscated by the States, and the, remedy, if any, must be sought from the States. An article in the treaty, to this effect, would not be binding.
The treaty was merely a treaty of peace. Commercial regulations were left for a future arrangement. The whole business was at length concluded, and the original demands of the American commissioners, in every essential point, were allowed and confirmed. The treaty was signed at Paris by both parties in due form, on the 30th of November, 1782.
The provisional treaty of peace was violently assailed in the British Parliament, and became one of the principal causes of the dissolution of the cabinet under Lord Shelburne.
By the time Franklin's [Benjamin and his grandson] returned to America, he had resided eight years and a half in France.
" Benjamin Franklin had participated in the most elite social circles in France. He had entertained his neighbors and, despite his age, charmed the ladies, proposing marriage to one fine lady who turned him down." [qf. The French American"]
The Marquis de Castries, minister of marine, wrote to him "I was not apprized, until within a few hours, of the arrangements you have made for your departure. Had I been informed of it sooner, I should have proposed to the King to order a frigate to convey you to your own country, in such a manner as would mark the consideration which you have acquired by your distinguished services in France, and the particular esteem which his Majesty entertains for you."
His bodily infirmities were such, that he could not bear the motion of a carriage. He left Passy on the 12th of July, in the [French] Queen's litter, which had been kindly offered to him for his journey to Havre de Grace [Le Havre]. This vehicle was borne by Spanish mules, and he was able to travel in it without pain or fatigue. He slept the first night at St. Germain. Some of his friends accompanied him. On the journey he passed one night at the chateau of the Cardinal de la Rochefoucauld, and another in the house of M. Holker at Rouen; and he received civilities and complimentary visits from many of the inhabitants at different places. The sixth day after leaving Passy he arrived at Havre de Grace.
From that port he passed over in a packet-boat to Southampton.[CHECK - French pacquet?]
Here he was met by Bishop Shipley and his family, Mr. Benjamin Vaughan, Mr. Alexander, and other friends whom he had known in England. He also found here his son, William, whom he had not seen for more than nine years. In the Revolution he had taken the side of the loyalists, and thus estranged himself from his father. He was now residing in England, where he spent the remainder of his life. Dr. Franklin continued at Southampton four days, till July 27th, when he embarked on board the London Packet, a Philadelphia vessel, commanded by Captain Truxtun. After a voyage of forty-eight days, without any remarkable incident, he landed at Philadelphia, on the 14th of September [1785]. M. Houdon, the artist whom he and Mr. Jefferson had employed to make a statue of Washington for the State of Virginia, was a passenger on board the same vessel. When he landed at Market-Street wharf, he was greeted by a large concourse of the inhabitants, who attended him with acclamations to his own door. The joy of the people was likewise testified by the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon.
1781-1785 In 1781 Franklin, John Adams, and John Jay were appointed to conclude a treaty of peace with Great Britain. The final treaty was signed at Versailles on September 3, 1783 .
[ CHECK :JOHN QUINCY ADAMS : Anti-Masonic [?] Letter Writer - Eric Mckinley Erickson Ph.D. 8p.(1926 )]
During the remainder of his stay in France, Franklin was accorded honorary distinctions commensurate with his notable and diversified accomplishments. His scientific standing won him an appointment from the French king as one of the commissioners investigating the Austrian physician Franz Anton Mesmer and the phenomenon of animal magnetism. As a dignitary of one of the most distinguished Freemason lodges in France, Franklin had the opportunity of meeting and speaking with a number of philosophers and leading figures of the French Revolution, upon whose political thinking he exerted a profound influence. Although he favored a liberalization of the French government, he opposed change through violent revolution. In March [September?] 1785, Franklin, at his own request, left his duties in France and returned to Philadelphia, where he was immediately chosen president of the Pennsylvania executive council (1785-87). In 1787 he was elected a delegate to the convention that drew up the US Constitution.
"There were many other Masonic influences in early American history: (1) Lafayette, the French liaison to the Colonies, without whose aid the war could not have been won, was a Freemason.
1782
Franklin signed preliminary Articles of Peace. {Thomas Grenville, signed for Britain)
1782:FRIDAY, OCTOBER 18, 1782
The Committee of the Week [Mr. David Ramsay, Mr. Ralph Izard, Mr. John Taylor Gilman] on the memorial of Monsieur Lavahey complaining of injustice done him by the depreciation of the paper currency, report that it be referred to the Superintendant of Finance to report thereon.
1783
Franklin signed the Paris Treaty of Peace. (Treaty of Versailles)
1784
January 14,1784: The Continental Congress ratified the Treaty of Paris, officially establishing the United States as in independent and sovereign nation.
 New treaty with France for mails and cheap letters to Spain.
 Peace with France - 4 packets on the Falmouth to Lisbon route, plus others helped maintain the service.
King George, Wauchope; Expedition, Dashwood; Hanover, Todd; Lord Hyde, Jones. Hampden, Braithwaite / St. Aubyn.
Passy, 1784
Tuesday, 20th.1784— My grandson went to court. No news there, except that the Spanish fleet against Algiers is sailed. Receive only one American letter by the packet, which is from the College of Rhode Island, desiring me to solicit benefactions of the King, which I cannot do, for reasons which I shall give them. It is inconceivable why I have no letters from Congress. The treaties with Denmark, Portugal, &c., all neglected! Mr. Hartley makes the same complaint. He is still without orders. Mr. Hammond called and dined with me; says Mr. Pitt begins to lose his popularity; his new taxes and project about the navy bills, give great discontent. He has been burnt in effigy at York. His East India bill not likely to go down; and it is thought he cannot stand long. Mr. Hammond is a friend of Mr. Fox; whose friends, that have lost their places, are called Fox's Martyrs.
1785
Sails from Havre July 22, arrives at Southampton, England, July 24, and is visited by son William (with whom he reconciled the previous year), Bishop and Mrs. Shipley and daughter Catherine, and by other friends.
Sails from Southampton July 28 for Philadelphia. On voyage, writes "Maritime Observations," containing notes on best form of rigging to improve swiftness of vessels; further observations on course, velocity, and temperature of Gulf Stream; and design of sea anchor for holding ship in wind during rough weather. Lands at Philadelphia September 14, met by cannon salutes, pealing bells, and cheering crowds. Elected to Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania for three-year term, October 11; elected its president October 18, and unanimously reelected the next two years. [LeMay]
Wednesday, September 14th. — [after a passage of 49 days] With the flood in the morning came a light breeze, which brought us above Gloucester Point, in full view of dear Philadelphia! When we again cast anchor to wait for the health officer, who, having made his visit, and finding no sickness, gave us leave to land. My son-in-law came with a boat for us; we landed at Market-Street wharf, where we were received by a crowd of people with huzzas, and accompanied with acclamations quite to my door. Found my family well. God be praised and thanked for all his mercies!
New York City was the capital of the United States from 1785-90
1786 AMERICAN ALMANAC WITH IMPORTANT FISCAL HISTORY. "An Astronomical Diary or Almanack For the Year of Christian Era, 1786", by Nathaniel Low, printed in Boston by T. & J. Fleet. Approx. 4.25" x 7", 22 pgs. Includes full page "Scale of Depreciation", on money for each year since 1777, showing the drastic changes in value which occurred from month to month, and sometimes in a matter of a few days. Also includes nearly full page "Table of the Weight and Value of coined Silver and Gold, as established by Law in Massachusetts State", incl. English & French Crowns, Spanish mill dollars, Moidore, Pistoles, Johannes, French Guineas, etc... Notations in margins inside from original owner (obviously a farmer). a few lt stains, minor edge wear. F $100-125
1787 SCARCE EARLY PRINTING OF THE CONSTITUTION. "The American Museum...", Vol. II, Numb. III, September, 1787 issue, printed in Phila. by Mathew Carey. Approx. 5" x 8", pgs 211-294, missing final pgs (295-310). Lots of interesting articles of significance to readers in the new Country, incl. " Information for those who would wish to remove to America, by his excellency Benjamin Franklin, president of the commonwealth of Pennsylvania (5-1/2pgs); Political sketches "by a citizen of the United States"; an address given by Tench Coxe to the friends of American manufacture; a list of raw materials and natural productions which may be readily furnished by the United States of America. Of most significance is a complete printing of the "Constitution framed for the united states of America by a convention of deputies....ended September 17, 1787", 8+ pgs, signed in type by GEORGE WASHINGTON, along with some resolutions of the convention also signed in type by Washington. One of the earliest printings of the Constitution for the public. lt toning, disbound, sev. loose pgs. VG-F $150-200. [Qf. http://www.stampauctioncentral.com/c/c1051.htm]
Letters From An American Farmer, J. Hector St. John de Crevecoeur
APPENDIX I.
LETTERS TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN FROM MME. DE HOUDETOT AND CREVECOEUR, REPRINTED FROM ORIGINALS IN THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY AT PHILA- DELPHIA.
From the Countess d' Houdetot. [Translated from the French original.]
Sir:
The Marquis de Cartier shew'd me Yesterday the Model of y' Edict which he proposes obtaining for the Establishment of the 5 Pacquet boats--I desired him to Send it to you, Ere he has presented it, which he will shortly do, I beg you'd Read it attentively & send him back all your observations thereon. [ Note: Letters to Crevecoeur can be found in Bigelow's edition of Franklin, ix., 4, and 457 (relative to Crevecoeur's [Cartier's?] plans with regard to oceanic packetboats, etc.)]
Woud you be Kind Enough to Inform the Comtesse de Houdetot, in what part of the Town that big Wire [metal for a conductor] is to be had, that She may place a second Electrical Rod.
I am with Respect, Sir, Your Very Humble Servt.
St. Jean de Crevecoeur. [no date]
New York, I787.
Sir:
Having lately cross'd the Ocean with the commodore Paul Jones, I embrace the opportunity of his going to Philadelphia to transmit your Excellency a Bundle which Mr. Short gave me, a Letter from the good Comtesse de Houdetot, & the Second Edition of the American Farmer's Letters, with the addition of a 3d Volume, which please to accept as a well-meant Testimony, of the Veneration & unfeign'd Respect of the author, as well as of the Man.--Let me beg that whenever your Excel- lency shall think fit to Send an answer to the good Comtesse's Letter it may be conveyed to me, that I may forward it in the safest manner.
I am with the most sincere Respect and Esteem, Your Excellency's, Most obedient humble Servant
St. John de Crevecoeur.
New York the 30th JanY I788
Sir :
Having accidentally become acquainted with a Mr. Fitch* from your City, whose curious experiment on the Delaware I had much heard of; I ask'd him a great many questions concerning his new method of applying the power of Steam, to which he answer'd with much dif- fidence & modesty, and communicated to me several Certificates from several of the most respectable persons in Philadelphia, a Copy of one of which I hereby transmit you. Anxious to know how far you think it may be rendered useful for inland Navigation, I take the liberty of asking your opinion concerning this new Invention of which I make no doubt you have often heard. Embracing this opportunity of recalling myself to your memory give me leave to present you with the assurances of my unfeigned respect.
Your Excellency's Most Obedient humble Servant
St. John.
*John Fitch (1743-1798); the explorer and inventor who patented a steamboat, four years after the above experiment, in 1791.
New Yorke 12th March 1788
Sir :
I duely Received the Letter you honored me with Some Time before the Packet Sailed, With one Inclosed for our mutual & very Respectable Friend the Comtesse de Houdetot, which I forwarded along with mine, by a Passenger who was bound to Paris; this Vessel Sailed 24 days ago;--I am much obliged to you for your opinion concerning the Steamboat, & am in great hopes that the Encouragement, which it is Likely Mr. Fitch will obtain from Congress will enable him to cheapen, Simplify & render his Machine Still more use-ful, Like all other Inventions, it will no doubt give his author a great deal of Trouble & anxiety ere he has brought it to its last degree of Perfection--I wish most Sincerely that he may Succeed, & then will he be, most Justly Intitled to the Thanks & applause of both America & Europe-
I Recv'd yesterday your Letter of the 10th Instant containing Two Packets, which will be forwarded on Sunday, by a vessel bound to Morlaix no Letters for the Gent[le]m[an] you mention have Reach'd my hands if any ever should rest assured that I shall Transmit them To you by Some Safe hands--whenever you have any for your Friends in Paris, I beg you'd Freely Send them to me. I shall Take the Same Care of them as I do of my own--With the Most unfeigned esteem Veneration & Respect, I am Your very Humble Servt.
St. John de Crevecoeur.
1788
 Georgia became the fourth state to ratify the Federal Constitution (2 Jan, 1788)
 New Hampshire became the ninth state to adopt the National Constitution in 1788
1790
Benjamin Franklin died at his home in Market Street, Philadelphia, on 17 April, 1790 after a painful confinement of two years "closing a long and useful life of eighty-four years and three months."
The funeral took place on the 21 April, "more than twenty thousand people were assembled"..."the flags of the vessels in the harbour were, raised half-mast high; and discharges of artillery announced the time when the body was laid in the earth. Franklin was interred by the side of his wife in the cemetery of Christ's Church. A plain marble slab covers the two graves, according to the direction in his will, with no other inscription than their names and the year of his decease."
Dr. Franklin's eldest son, William, died in London, November, 1813. His wife, whom he married in London, 1762, just after he was appointed governor of New Jersey, died in 1777. As he took the side of the loyalists in the Revolution, he went to England after the war, received a pension from the King, and remained there till his death. He had an only son, William Temple, who died without issue. Dr. Franklin's other son, Francis Folger, died in childhood. His daughter, Sarah, was born September 11th 1744; married Richard Bache, October 29th, 1767; died October 5th, 1808. The children of Richard and Sarah Bache, were, 1. Benjamin Franklin Bache, born 1769, married Margaret Markoe, died 1798, during the yellow fever in Philadelphia. 2. William, married Catherine Wistar, died 1814. 3. Elizabeth, married John Harwood. 4. Louis. 5. Deborah, married William J. Duane. 6. Richard, married the eldest daughter of Alexander J. Dallas. 7. Sarah, married Thomas Sergeant. Their descendants are numerous. [ Life of Benjamin Franklin, by Jared Sparks (Appendix I) see: Electric Franklin ]
Links:
Masonic Temple, One North Broad Street, Philadelphia, PA 19107-2598
Excerpts from the Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin
London, 1725 Plan of Conduct
Those who write of the art of poetry teach us that if we would write what may be worth the reading, we ought always, before we begin, to form a regular plan and design of our piece: otherwise, we shall be in danger of incongruity. I am apt to think it is the same as to life. I have never fixed a regular design in life; by which means it has been a confused variety of different scenes. I am now entering upon a new one: let me, therefore, make some resolutions, and form some scheme of action, that, henceforth, I may live in all respects like a rational creature.
1. It is necessary for me to be extremely frugal for some time, till I have paid what I owe.
2. To endeavour to speak truth in every instance; to give nobody expectations that are not likely to be answered [ref to Sir Keith?], but aim at sincerity in every word and action -- the most amiable excellence in a rational being.
3. To apply myself industriously to whatever business I take in hand, and not divert my mind from my business by any foolish project of growing suddenly rich; for industry and patience are the surest
means of plenty.
4. I resolve to speak ill of no man whatever, not even in a matter of truth; but rather by some means excuse the faults I hear charged upon others, and upon proper occasions speak all the good I
know of every body.
1726-27
Mr. Denham  took a store in Water-street, where we open'd our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and, boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I respected and lov'd him, and we might have gone on together very happy; but, in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.
1727
Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in America;  I had seen types cast at James's in London, but without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, And thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also engrav'd several things on occasion; I made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum.
But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services became every day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the business; and, when Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement.
Keimer, on a prospect of being employ'd to print some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return.
The New Jersey jobb (sic) was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction.
[On Keimer] "He was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish withal."
It may be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future events of my life. My parents had early given me religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation itself.
 I had form'd [in 1726] most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the JUNTO; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company; and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties.
Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley's Quadrant.
Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov'd books.
William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had acquir'd a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-general.
William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible man.
Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb. [Keimers' print-office staff]
Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends.
And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age, who had the coolest, dearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship continued without interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter.
 Keimer began his paper, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov'd in a few years extremely profitable to me. [The Pennsylvania Gazette]
[Shortage of funds]
I recurr'd to my two friends;[ William Coleman and Robert Grace] and because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company's debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertising that the partnership [with Meredith] was dissolved.  I think this was in or about the year 1729.
1729-30: Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. He had printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner, we reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were sensible of the difference: It strengthened the hands of our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing.  Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death.
 [On Paper Currency]
About this time [c.1730] there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We had discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building;
Our [Junta] debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled "The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency." It was well receiv'd by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it, for it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in printing the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by my being able to write.
The utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, till I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.
I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encouragements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in my hands as long as I follow'd the business.
Keimer's credit and business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his printing house to satisfy his creditors. He went to Barbadoes, and there lived some years in very poor circumstances.
There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a better distributor of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many, more, which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the riders,  who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it.
[On  Deborah Read] I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended, she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could.
About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether where we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library,
And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a subscription library.  I drew up the proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so numerous.
(1757) I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's [Loudoun] character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances.
It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest.
Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! but their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.
Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General.
This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more
At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers!
I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months.
I saw also in London one of Bonnell's passengers, who was so enrag'd against his lordship for deceiving and detaining him so long at New York, and then carrying him to Halifax and back again, that he swore he would sue for damages. Whether he did or not, I never heard; but, as he represented the injury to his affairs, it was very considerable.
I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions.
Excerpts from The New England Courant
The New-England Courant, January 28, 1722/3
To "your Honour":
Defense of James Franklin to Samuel Sewall
SIR,
I am inform'd that your Honour was a leading Man in the late Extraordinary procedure against F ------ n [Franklin] the Printer: And inasmuch as it cannot be long before you must appear at Christ's enlightned Tribunal, where every Man's work shall be tryed, I humbly beseech you, in the Fear of GOD, to consider & Examine, whether that Procedure be according to the strict Rules of Justice and Equity_?
It is manifest, that this Man had broke no Law; and you know, Sir, that where there is no Law, there can be no Transgression: And, Sir, methinks you cannot but know, that it is highly unjust to punish a Man by a Law, to which the Fact committed is Antecedent.
The Law ever looks forward, but never backward; but if once we come to punish Men, by vertue of Laws Ex post Facto, Farewell Magna Charta, and English Liberties, for no Man can ever be safe, but may be punished for every Action he does by Laws made afterwards.
and.....
Now, If this Printer had transgress'd any Law, he ought to have been presented by a Grand Jury, and a fair Tryal brought on.
I would further observe to your Honour the danger of ill Precedents, and that this Precedent will not sleep; And, Sir, can you bear to think that Posterity will have Reason to Curse you on the Account hereof!
----------------------
The New-England Courant, February 4, 1722/3
On Titles of Honour
.... at the last Meeting of our Club*, when one of the Company read to us some Passages from a zealous Author against Hatt-Honour,Titular Respects, etc. which we will communicate to the Reader for the Diversion of this Week, if he is dispos'd to be merry with the Folly of his Fellow-Creature.
In old Time it was no disrespect for Men and Women to be call'd by their own Names: Adam, was never called Master Adam; we never read of Noah Esquire, Lot Knight and Baronet, nor the Right Honourable Abraham, Viscount Mesopotamia, Baron of Carran; no, no, they were plain Men, honest Country Grasiers, that took Care of their Families and their Flocks. ........It was no Incivility then to mention their naked Names as they were expressed.'
* precedes the Junta (Leather Apron Club)
P. S._ At the last Meeting of our Club, it was unanimously agreed, That all Letters to be inserted in this Paper, should come directed to "old Janus"; whereof our Correspondents are to take Notice, and conform themselves accordingly.
-----------------------
The New-England Courant, April 15, 1723
Abigail Twitterfield
To assert, That because Posterity is a Blessing, therefore those who want it are cursed, is a meer Platonick Dream.
Honest Doctor JANUS,
Seeing you have ever manifested a Readiness to assist the fair Sex as there has been Occasion, we flatter our selves that what we have now to offer, will by your next Paper be convey'd to the Publick, that so all the World may see to what a Pitch our Resentments are rais'd, and judge whether there be not just Occasion!
Know then, Sir, (and we would have it known to all Christian People) that we have not long since been intollerably affronted in the publick Assembly: Our Spiritual Guide taking Occasion to exclaim
at an high Rate against the Sin of Barrenness, we Nine (now met together) thought our selves particularly singled out, and pointed at in his Discourse. .......seeing we are no more the blameable Cause of this our Unhappiness, than Persons who are born blind, or Ideots, we are far from thinking such a humbling Curse and Reproach belongs to us, as we have been told: For which reason
we think it the more intollerable, to be insulted with the bitter Names of dry Sticks, sapless Trees, unfruitful Vines, etc., (Job.24.21).
We went to Church to hear the Word,
But to our Grief we found
Our Ears oppress'd with things absurd;
A vain and empty sound.
.... and, when we consider'd, that Four of our Reverend Pastors in this Town are deny'd the Blessing of Children. Upon the whole, we conclude, That if Ministers would deliver nothing but the plain substantial Truths* of the Gospel, they would best magnify their Office, and edify their Hearers.
Sign'd,
Abigail Twitterfield, In the Name of the rest.
[* Franklin later wrote his famous 'Plain Truth' ]
------------------------
The New-England Courant, July 8, 1723
To Mr. J. R.
SIR,
I have here, according to your Request, given you my present Thoughts of the general State of Things in the Universe. Such as they are, you have them, and are welcome to 'em;
[includes]
All our different Desires and Passions proceed from and are reducible to this one Point, Uneasiness, tho' the Means we propose to ourselves for expelling of it are infinite. One proposes Fame, another Wealth, a third Power, etc. as the Means to gain this End; but tho' these are never attain'd, if the Uneasiness be remov'd by some other Means, the Desire is satisfy'd. Now during the Course of Life we are ourselves continually removing successive Uneasinesses as they arise, and the last we suffer is remov'd by the sweet Sleep of Death.
A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain 
SECT. I. Of Liberty and Necessity
SECT. II. Of Pleasure and Pain
[includes]:
(as infants) We are first mov'd by Pain, and the whole succeeding Course of our Lives is but one continu'd Series of Action with a View to be freed from it. As fast as we have excluded one Uneasiness another appears, otherwise the Motion would cease. If a continual Weight is not apply'd, the Clock will stop. And as soon as the Avenues of Uneasiness to the Soul are choak'd up or cut off, we are dead, we think and act no more. T his Uneasiness, whenever felt, produces Desire to be
freed from it, great in exact proportion to the Uneasiness......Pleasure is that Satisfaction which arises in the Mind upon, and is caus'd by, the accomplishment of our Desires, and by no other Means at all; and those Desires being above shewn to be caus'd by our Pains or Uneasinesses, it follows that Pleasure is wholly caus'd by Pain, and by no other Thing at all. Therefore the Sensation of Pleasure is equal, or in exact proportion to the Sensation of Pain.
You have a View of the whole Argument in a few familiar Examples: The Pain of Abstinence from Food, as it is greater or less, produces a greater or less Desire of Eating, the Accomplishment of this Desire produces a greater or less Pleasure proportionate to it. The Pain of Confinement causes the Desire of Liberty, which accomplish'd, yields a Pleasure equal to that Pain of Confinement. The Pain of Labour and Fatigue causes the Pleasure of Rest, equal to that Pain.
The Pain of Absence from Friends, produces the Pleasure of Meeting in exact proportion. Etc.
------------------------
My friend Collins, agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage  , under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.
My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or I might now have gratify'd them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I offer'd my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough already; but says he, "My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither, I believe he may employ you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles further; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea.
[qf. Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, July, 1994 [odur.let.rug.nl].htm ]
------------------------------
". . . Some books against Deism fell into my hands.said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect on my quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a through Deist."
Reference Sources
Doctor Franklin, Postmaster General, by Ruth Lapham Butler (200 pages)
Doubleday, Doran & Company, Garden City, New York (1928)
The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin, Edited by Oral Sumner Coad (240 pages)
MacMillan, New York (1927)
Digital Links
"The Private Life of the Late Benjamin Franklin, LL.D....
As published in London in 1793. (14 Chapters) Courtesy of EarlyAmerica
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Biographical work, written by historian Jared Sparks in the 19th century, continues Franklin's Autobiography.
In writing the Continuation, it has been the author's aim to follow out the plan of the Autobiography, by confining himself strictly to a narrative of the principal events and incidents in Franklin's life, as far as these could be ascertained from his writings, his public acts, and the testimony of his contemporaries. .... [Jared Sparks].. November, 1843.
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