Owen Fitz Pen
alias Phippen (dies 1636)
of Lamoran
Thomas Pellew, of Penryn in Morocco1715-1738
1806 GIII Bahama Penny
"Expel pirates - Restore Commerce"
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Piracy
The 22nd Annual Report of the RIC, contains "Notes relating to the Dominican Friary, in Kenwyn Street, and St. Mary's Church, Truro," by Mr. Spry. Read July 3rd., 1840.
On page 48 of the report, there is an interesting reference to a tablet in memory of Owen Fitz Pen, alias Phippen, who died at "Lamoran," 17th March 1636, erected by his brother George, who called himself Phippen, and was rector from 1625-1647.
It is stated "that he travelled over many parts of the world and on 24th March 1620, was taken by the Turks and made a captive in Argier (Algiers). He projected several plots for his liberty, and on 27th June, 1627, with ten other Christian captives, Dutch and French (persuaded by his council and courage) he began a cruel fight with 65 Turks in their own ship which lasted three hours in which five of his company were slain. Yet God made him Captain, so he brought the boat into Cartagena being of 400 tons and 22 ordnance. The King sent for him to Madrid, and he was offered a Captain's place and the King's favour if he would turn papist, which he refused. He sold all for £6,000, returned to England and died at Lamoran 17th March 1636."
Somehow, the latter rings somewhat hollow, £6,000 being an extraordinary sum in 1627, and Lamoran hardly 'on the map,' - but, it serves well to illustrate Dr. Robert Brown's summary of the 250 years of piracy along the North African coastal states.
Packet accounts include several references to piracy, which are easily confused with stories of legitimised privateers operating under Letters of Marque. A passenger's account of the Post Office packet Lapwing (1811) being taken off Barbados, in 1813, illustrates how piracy was then considered to be a risk.
"We observed that the pirate landed all that was valuable out of the packet and carried it into the interior of the island. They would not allow the Surgeon to land, though he wished to do so to gather herbs to dress our wounds with. All this has convinced me or nearly so, that Blanco* is a sort of Depot, that it is frequently if not constantly inhabited by some of these sea robbers for whose use the mules must have been landed, and that it is the pirate isle of Lord Byron in the West Indies."
*Blanquilla, is the islet north of Margarita Island, off Venezuela, just a short distance east of La Tortuga, the base of pirates referred to by Esquemeling* c.1666.
It may be of interest to compare the 1814 account of the loss of the Lapwing, with
extracts (courtesy of Dom Penrose) from The Bucaniers of America, published in English in 1684, which give an interesting insight into the tough life and habits of so-called Buccaneers, (including Captain Morgan). It is a translation from the Dutch account of John Esquemeling*, who was in the service of the French West India Company.
It begins: We set sail from Havre de Grace, in France, in a ship called St. John, the second day of May, in the year 1666. Our vessel was equipp't with eight and twenty Guns, twenty Mariners, and two hundred and twenty passengers, those, whom the Company sent as free passengers, as being in their service. Soon after we came to an anchor under the Cape of Borflor [Barfleur?], there to joyn other seven ships of the same West India Company, which were to come from Diep [Dieppe], under the convoy of a Man of War, mounted with seven and thirty guns, and two hundred and fifty men. Of these ships two were bound for Senegal, five for the Cariby Islands, and ours for the island of Tortuga.
As we sailed along, we met a vessel of Ostend, who complained, unto our Admiral, that a French privateer had robb'd him that very morning. Our Fleet, as we went along, caused no small fears and alarms, unto the inhabitants of the coasts of France; these judging us to be English, and that we sought some convenient place for landing. To allay their frights, we used to hang out our Colours; but, notwithstanding, they would not trust us.
After this we came to an anchor in the Bay of Conquet, in Britany (sic), nigh unto the Isle of Heysant; there to take in water. Having stored ourselves with fresh provisions at this place, we prosecuted our voyage, designing to pass by the Ras of Fonteneau, and not expose ourselves to the Sorlingues, fearing the English vessels, that were crusing there-abouts to meet us. This River Ras is of a current very strong and rapid, which rowling (sic) over many Rocks, disgorgeth it self into the sea, on the coast of France, in the latitude of eight and forty degrees, and ten minutes. For which reason this passage is very dangerous; all the Rocks as yet, being not thoroughly known.
Here I shall not omit to mention the ceremony, which at this passage, and some other places, is used by the Mariners, and by them called Baptism.
The Masters Mate cloathed himself with a ridiculous sort of garment that reached unto his feet, and on his head he put a suitable Cap, which was made very burlesque. In his right hand he placed a naked wooden sword; and, in his left, a pot full of ink. His face was horribly blackt with soot, and his neck adorn'd with a Collar of many little pieces of wood. Being thus apparell'd he commanded to be called before him every one of them, who never had passed that dangerous place before; and then causing them to kneel down in his presence, he made the sign of the cross on their foreheads, with ink; and gave each one a stroke on the shoulders with his wooden sword. Meanwhile the standers by did cast a Bucket of water, upon every mans' head; and this was the conclusion of the ceremony.
But, that being ended, every one of the Baptised, is obliged to give a Bottle of Brandy for his offering; placing it nigh [near] the main Mast, and without speaking a word; even those, who have no such liquor, being not excused from this performance. In [the]case [that] the Vessel [had] never passed that way before, the Captain is obliged to distribute some Wine among the Mariners, and other people, in the Ship. But, as for other gifts, which the newly baptized do frequently offer, they are divided among the old Sea-men; and of them, they make a Banquet, among themselves.
[Perquisites from 200 passengers.....enjoyed by only 20 Mariners !]
The Hollanders likewise do use to baptize such as never passed that way before. And not only at the passage abovementioned, but also at the Rocks called Berlingues, nigh the coast of Portugal, in the latitude of thirty-nine degrees, and forty minutes, (as being a passage very dangerous, especially by night, when through the obscurity thereof, the rocks are not distinguishable, by reason the land is very high,) they use some such ceremony. But, their manner of Baptizing is much distinct from that we have described above, performed by the French. He therefore, that is to be baptized, is fast'ned and hoised [hoisted] up three times at the main-yard's end, as if he were a Criminal. If he be hoised the fourth time, in the name of the Prince of Orange, or of the Captain of the Vessel, his honour is more than ordinary. This [then] they are dipped, every one, several times in the main ocean. But he that is the first dipped, hath the honour of being saluted with a Gun. Such as are not willing to fall, are bound to pay twelve pence, for their ransom: if he be an Officer of the Ship, two shillings: and if a Passenger, according to their pleasure. In case the Ship did never pass that way before, the Captain is bound to give a small Runlet of Wine; which if he doth not perform, the Mariners may cut off the Stem of the Vessel. All the profit, which accrueth by this ceremony, is kept by the Masters Mate; who after reaching their Port, doth usually lay it out in wine, which is drank amongst the ancient Seamen. Some will say this ceremony was instituted by the Emperor Charls (sic) the Fifth; however it is not found amongst his Laws.
Here I shall leave these customs of the Sea; and shall return unto our voyage.......
Another publication which highlights piracy in European waters is;
 The Adventures of Thomas Pellow [1705-17??] of Penryn, Mariner
Three and Twenty Years in Captivity among the Moors
Written by himself, and edited with an introduction and notes By  Dr. Robert Brown
London: T. Fisher UNWIN, Paternoster Square, MDCCCXC (1890)
Introduction: (Extracts)
Sallee men, and their brother pirates were taught their trade by European outlaws, the majority of whom were sea-robbers chased from the English coasts, and they in turn, imparted their knowledge to the refugees from Spain. This is clearly shown by a statement of the famous Captain John Smith, of Virginia, who `took a turn' in the sultan of Morocco's service. The most “ancient pyrats” on the English coast within threescore [60] years over which Smith's recollection * extended, were “one Cellis, who refreshed himself on the coast of Wales; Clinton and Pureeer (sic), being companions until Queen Elizabeth hanged them at Wapping; Fleming was as expert as much sought for as they, yet such a friend to his country, that discovering the Spanish Armada, he voluntarily “came to Plimouth, yielded himself freely to my Lord Admirall, and gave him notice of the Spaniards comin”; which good warning came so happily and unexpectedly that he had his pardon and good reward. (*The Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captaine John Smith in Europe, Asia, Africke, and America, beginning about the yeere 1593, and continued to the present, 1629” (1630), pp 59-60. )
Until the peaceful reign of James I let loose a host of privateers, or “men of warre” who had been amply employed in the stormy times of Elizabeth, there were very few rovers at large. They were all good patriots enriching themselves by robbing the Queen's enemies along the Spanish Main. In the early years of the 17th century, a host of masterless men were left at large without anything to do, or much taste for an honest calling. “Those that were poor turned Pirates.” Hunted out of the European seas, hosts of these knaves retired to Barbary, and there, “turning Turk.” Entered the service of the Grand Seigneur, who, by his deputies, the Dey of Algiers, the Dey of Tunis, and the Bashaw of Tripoli, had taken very kindly to the ancient trade of piracy. “Ward, a poore English sailor, and Dansker, a Dutchman made Morrocco their marts, when the Moors scarce knew how to saile a ship. Bishop was ancient, and did little hurt: but Easton got so much as made himself a Marquesse in Savoy: and Ward lived like a Banshaw in Barbary: these were the first that taught the Moores to be men of warre.” [Dr. Brown quoting from John Smith]
Now and then they came to condign grief, if captured by the galleys of the Knights of Malta, of the Pope, the Florentines, and the Genoese, or by the Dutch and English men-of-war, on the outlook for them. But King James was a merciful prince, when his own life was not in peril, and pardoned whole batches of Corsair captains, though Gennings (sic), Harris, Thompson and divers others, “being taken red-handed in Ireland, a coast much in favour with them, were duly executed at Wapping Old Stairs. They were, however, a lazy set of villains, rioting ashore, among Jews, Turks, Moors and worse, soon disgusted their Moslem associates.
By and by, the latter having learned all they could teach, “beganne to command them as slaves.” In this way, Captain John Smith tells us, the Sallateens became so powerful that by the advent of Charles I, they were the terror of “all the Straights” and even the merchantmen in the Atlantic, and in “the narrow seas of England,” where their armed vessels were often seen. On the Portuguese (sic) capturing Mamora, [Spanish in 1614?] they found it perfect kennel of European outlaws; English, French and Dutch, but few Spanish or Italian. The Sallee Rovers occupy a prominent plan in history, appearing very often in the public records of 250 years between the reigns of Elizabeth and George IV, they were to all intents and purposes Moors, though now and again a Renegade Captain is noted as in command.
The Sultan preyed on the commerce of the Christian States, with which he was at enmity, or had not been bribed at peace. In the reign of George I., when John Pellow made his first involuntary visit, Sallee was flourishing, and continued to prosper for many years afterwards.(p.14)
The Moors capacity for shipbuilding rarely permitted of vessels much larger than thirty, forty, or at the outside sixty tons being built by themselves or by the Renegadoes, [The Spanish name for Apostades; Christians who `turned Moor' - professed, in name at least, the Mohammedan faith] or by their Christian slaves. Even when they captured larger craft suited for their purposes, the difficulty of getting them over the bars of the Bou-ragreb and the Sebou, rivers which were more and more shoaling up the harbours of Sallee and Mamora, rendered them chary of utilizing such windfalls. Even Tetuan, which was tried as a harbour, was found too exposed, in spite of the chains across the Martin River. (p.15)
Sallateens were formidable foes for the crew of a merchant-ship of small tonnage and few hands. They managed to get alongside by flying false colours, or by pretending to be Algerines. Often they plundered the ship and scuttled or set the ship adrift, but the crew were invariably carried into port, for they constituted the most valuable portion of the prize. In summer, they would venture across the Bay of Biscay, and lie under the shelter of Lundy Island, ready to cut out vessels sailing down the Bristol Channel. (p.16)
The ships which the Sultan built, when they took piracy into their own hands were constantly being lost by the clumsiness of their captains, as the “Reis” [Captain] was selected not so much for his seamanship as for his ability to pay for any damage which the vessel in his charge might sustain. The result was extreme caution on his part, and, [from the time of Sidi Mohammed] as the Emperor took all the profit, a natural reluctance on the part of the Moors to serve a sailors - a circumstance which led to a reduction in the number of prizes taken. (p.17)
In 1645, a Barbary pirate appeared in the Firth of Forth and demanded an enormous ransom for not burning Leith, the port of Edinburgh. The vessel carried Andrew Gray, under sentence of death for leading a mob that set fire to the house of the Lord Provost (chief magistrate), soon after the accession of Charles I. Having escaped [hanging], he entered the service of the Emperor of Morocco, and had returned on board the pirate ship determined to take revenge on the city. [In the event, he ended up curing the Provost's daughter of the plague, and married her!] “How far this pretty tale is true cannot now be known for certain. It is doubtful whether, in 1645, the Sultan of Morocco had any vessels large enough to venture as far as Scotland. (Dr. Robert Brown's notes, pp 24 -25)
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1637- Rainsborough mounts a successful expedition against the Sallé Rovers (pirates operating out of Sallé).
1646. French take Dunkirk, forcing the Royalist Privateers to move base to Wexford or Kinsale
1649- Prince Rupert leads the Royalist fleet from Holland to Ireland.
1650- Blake and Popham blockade Rupert in Lisbon. Rupert escapes to Carthagena. All but four of the Royalist fleet are wrecked trying to escape Carthagena.
1651-Blake evicts Royalist privateers from the Scillies and Jersey. Colonels Birch and Duckenfield defeat Royalist privateers and take the Isle of Man
1655- Blake attacks and fires the Tunisian fleet in the well defended harbour of Porto Farina.
1658- Stokes negotiates a treaty with the Dey of Tunis. Stokes captures the Mediterranean pirate Papachino.
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Chapter I
In the eleventh year of my age, [i.e. Aged 10] the second in the reign of our late Sovereign King George the First, and of out Lord Christ 1715, I being at the Latin School in Penryn, in the County of Cornwall, and John Pellow, my uncle, being about to proceed on a voyage from Falmouth to Fowey, and thence to Genoa with pilchards, in the good ship Francis, Valentine Enes (sic) [Ennis?] (then of Penryn), merchant, the owner; and I by no means liking my so early rising, and (as I then thought) most severe discipline of the school, so far insinuated myself into my uncle's favour as to get his promise to obtain the consent of my parents for me to go along with him; and which indeed he did, though not without much difficulty, they urging the hardships which probably I might, in my so tender years undergo thereby, and their ominous fears of our falling into the hands of the Moors, who were then in open war with us, and had, as they saw by the newspapers, very lately taken some of our ships; so that it was with the greatest reluctance and regret that I obtained their consent, which at last I did, and was soon rigged in my sailor's dress; and after taking (as it proved) my so long, long farewell of my friends, our ship sailed from Falmouth to Fowey, where in a few days we completed our cargo; and as soon as all other our necessary business was dispatched, we set sail for our desired port. [Genoa] (Brown, p.48)
Of which our voyage it cannot be expected I should give any particular account, as I had never been to sea before, and was entirely unacquainted with keeping a journal [log, or diary]; but I well remember that I soon began to repent my rash undertaking, and heartily wished myself back again, though even to be again sent to the Latin school, my uncle keeping me so close to my book that I had very little or no time allowed me for play ; and which, if I at any time presumed to borrow, I failed not of a most sure payment by the cat of nine tails ; so that by the time we got to Genoa I thought I had enough of the sea, being every day, during our voyage out, obliged (over and above my book-learning) to get up to the top of the main-top mast-head, even in all weather.
All which (though very irksome to me then) I now most gratefully acknowledge, and plainly see, was only intended for my good; and had not our misfortune of falling into the hands of the infidels, and our long unhappy slavery prevented it, my uncle would have certainly made me a complete sailor, as he himself was, by those who knew him, allowed to be; but what God thinks proper should be, no human power can prevent.
And now, indeed, the unhappy part of my life draws near. For having made our voyage, our cargoes out and in, and by God's providence bound home, we were off Cape Finnisterre very unhappily surprised by two Sallee Rovers, and, together with Captain Foster, of Topsham (after such small resistance as we could both make), taken and carried prisoners on board of the infidels, as was also the next day Captain Ferris of London, in a ship of much greater strength, having twenty men, eight swivel and eight carriage guns, though they behaved in the bravest manner, fighting for ten hours, and with a noble resolution, putting the Moors off, after boarding then three times and killing many of them ; but being overpowered by a superior force, they were also obliged to submit, and to become our comrades.(Brown p.49)

It is impossible for me to describe the agony I was then in, being separated from my uncle ; he being, together with Briante Clarke, John Crimes and John Dunnal (three of our unhappy men) confined on board of the Salleeteens, commanded by Ali Hacam; and myself with Lewis Davies, George Barnicoat (sic), and Thomas Goodman, the other three (our whole number consisting but of eight persons) on board the other, commanded by Elhash Abrahaman Medune [El Hadjj Abd-er-Ramahan Medune], the Admiral of Sallee, where we were closely confined, and treated after a barbarous manner during the space of one whole month, which the infidels passed in looking sharp out for other prey, and examining into the value of our cargoes, according to our several invoices and bills of lading, the prizes being sent to Sallee for better security, and to leave them at more liberty to encounter others during the time of their cruise; but seeing no likelihood of any more prizes and their provision growing short, they followed the prizes, and found them safe at anchor on the outside of the bar of Sallee; when, on a signal from the shore of there being water enough on the bar to carry them over, the prizes were ordered to weigh, and got well in, the Salleens casting anchor without till the next day; when, about noon, the infidels being in their jollity, were all on the sudden in an extreme hurry on their discovery of a sail standing right in from open sea upon them, they crying out in great confusion, “Garnoe! Garnoe!” meaning thereby Captain Delgardenoor Delgarno, who, with his 20-gun frigate exercised such terror over the Sallee men that Moorish mothers used to frighten naughty children by threatening to “give them to Garnoe”] who they knew then commanded a British man of war of 20 guns on that station; and as they feared so it was proved, for it was Garnoe indeed; but, alas! Too late for our assistance. (Brown, p.50)
Medune weighing his anchor, and Ali Hacam slipping his cable, they ran both aground on the bar, Delgardenoor following so near them as in safety he might, some of his shot flying about them, and some of them far beyond them, insomuch that they were both, through means thereof, and a great sea, soon beat to pieces; and almost everyone that could swim, swimming for his life; but, for my part, I could swim but very little, and which, had I attempted, the merciless sea must soon have overwhelmed me; so I cried to Lewis Davies, who I knew could swim very well, for assistance, though from him I could get none, he saying (and very truly) “that all his strength was highly necessary towards his own preservation; and that should he take me on his back, it would in all likelihood loose both our lives; whereas by throwing himself into the sea disentangled, and I getting on the mast (which was cut down), it might be a mans of preserving both of us;” and which, through the wonderful and ready help of Almighty God assisting (He having ordained us for larger and more grievous trials and sufferings), accordingly happened; Davies committing himself to the waves, and I myself to the mast, from which I was taken by some people in a boat fro the shore. As for the Moors, they were under no apprehension of danger from the sea, leaping into it and swimming to the shore like so many dogs.(Brown, p.51)

Being now all safely landed, we are in a very low and feeble condition in two separate prisons; myself, Lewis Davies, M. Goodman and Briant Clark, with divers others of Ferris's men, in all twenty-six, to New Sallee [Rabat], and my uncle, John Dunnal, Thomas Cremer, and George Barnecoat (sic), with seventeen Frenchmen taken in other ships, and the rest of Foster's and Ferris's men, twenty-six more, to old Sallee, and for three days closely shut up there, and our allowance by the Moors nothing but bread and water, though I must thankfully own that we met with some better refreshment through the goodness of some French and Irish merchants residing there, which was to us, in our so weak and disconsolate condition, of very great service.
On the fourth day we were all, in number Fifty-two, taken out thence and sent prisoners to Mequinez; some being put on mules, some on asses, and some on horses; on one of which my uncle and I were mounted together.
We travelled the first day to Lorshia, [Larsah, “a garden” - a mere country place or hamlet (Larga,fr.)], being obliged in our way hither to pass through the woods of Sallee, which were plentifully stored with most stately timber trees of oaks, and vast numbers of wild hogs, lions, tigers, [leopards (Nemeur)] and many other dangerous creatures. [1890: “The forest of Sallee or Mamora is still in existence, a haunt of robbers and wild beasts, lions, it is said, among the numbers. Francis Brooks in 1681, and Thomas Phelps, in 1685, while making their escape to the coast from Mequinez, encountered several [lions] ”]
The second day to the River Teffifille, [Wad Tilfil] though by some called Teliffla, in the province of Wolesager [ref to the ”Woled saghir” (“little-tribe”) in the province of Beni-Hassan];
The third to Darmulsultan [“House of the sultana” - the mother of Muley Ismail]; and
The fourth about sunrising (it being about three miles' travel into Mequinez [“12 Leagues westward of Fez”], all the way lodging in tents, as being in that part of the country the only habitations, and which are at the discretion of the people removed from one place to another. At our arrival to the city, or rather indeed a mile before we reached it, we were commanded to get of our beasts and to take to our English shoes (that is to say, as many as had any), and to put on yellow pumps which were brought to us by the Moors for that purpose,; and at our entrance into the city we were met and surrounded by vast crowds of them, offering us the most vile insults .. ….. calling us “Caffer Billa Oarosole,” [Kafir b-Illah was rasool], which signified in English that we were “Hereticks,” and knew neither of God nor Mahomet. (Brown, p.52)
…. At the Emperor's Palace…Muly Smine, or Ishmael, the old Emperor, received us from the hands of the Salleeteens,… giving Ali Hacam, in exchange for every one of us, fifty Ducats; but out of this was paid back again one-third, and a tenth as a customary tribute; and Medune, the Admiral, for not fighting Delgardenoor, had the very extraordinary favour bestowed upon him of losing his head. [!]
And now are we ordered to be separated as follows, viz. myself, Richard Ferris, James Waller, Thomas Newgent,[Nugent?] and three other boys taken in a French ship, sent to the Kubbahhiatin, or place where the tailors work, and the armoury is kept, and where we were directly employed in cleaning the arms. All the fore-mast men, save two, who were wounded, were put to hard labour; and the captains, with the two wounded men, to the Spanish convent; whence, after some short exemption, they were put to hard labour also; and, after some little time, again exempted, and sent to the house of one Mr. Ben Hattar [Hyatn], a Jew, in a place called the Judaiary; and everything relating to our affairs passed through the hands of him and his agents, it was, no doubt, very much to his advantage.
After some time, I was taken out of the armoury and given by the Emperor to Muley Spah, one of his favourite sons (a sad villain). My business for some time, was to run after his horses heels; during which he often prompted me to turn Moor, and told me, if I would, I should have a very fine horse to ride on, and I should be like one of his best-esteemed friends. Wherein I used to reply, that that was the only command wherein I could not readily gratify him… I was thoroughly resolved not to renounce my Christian faith, be the consequence what it would. “Prepare yourself for such torture as shall be inflicted on you, and the nature of your obstinacy deserves.” He committed me prisoner to one of his own rooms, keeping me there several months in irons, and every day most severely bastinadoing me, and furiously screaming in the Moorish language “Shehed, Shehed! Cunmoora, Cunmoora!” In English, “turn Moor” “Testify!” by holding up your finder. (Brown, p. 53)
(p.55) )f which cruelty my uncle hearing, he came one day, and with him one John Phillips, to see if it might be in their power to give me any relief; and which indeed was not. Nothing came by their very kind and Christian-like intention, but many severe blows on themselves, and on me a more frequent repetition of them than before.
My tortures were now exceedingly increased, burning my flesh off my bones by fire; which the tyrant did, by frequent repetitions, after a most cruel manner; insomuch I was at last constrained to submit, calling upon God to forgive me, who knows that I never gave the consent of the heart, though I seemingly yielded by holding up my finger.
I was kept forty days longer in prison, on my refusing to put on the Moorish habit; but I at length reflected, that to refuse this any longer was a very foolish obstinacy, since it was a thing indifferent in its own nature.
I was delivered once more from my prison, and, at the command of the Emperor, put to school to learn the Moorish language, and to write Arabick (sic); and in the latter I should have certainly been a tolerable proficient, had not my [school] master's insolence, and violent death by the Emperor's orders, prevented it; for after being with him about three months, during which he had often called me a Christian dog, and most severely beat me, it coming to the Emperor's ears, he was by his order instantly despatched, by tossing him up, and so breaking his neck. (Brown p.56)
[Pellow's uncle, Briant Clark, Thomas Crimes and John Dunnal all died of “a violent flux” (Brown, p.64)]
=========== 23 years later =========
10 July, 1730…escape! (p.313)
21 July, 1738, arrived safe at Gibraltar! (p.316)
Tried to find a ship belonging to Falmouth, yes, one Captain Pye, but bound for Hamburgh. Mistaken for a Moor, the sentinels refused to allow Pellow to land at the Water Port. (p.317)
Mr. Beaver, a gentleman belonging to the Victualling Office asked me how long I had been in Barbary, and if I did nor know of Tom Osborne, of Fowey, there. I told him I had been there almost 23 years, that I was taken with John Pellow, my uncle, in the second year of the reign of George the First, and that we found Tom Osborne at Mequinez, he being taken some short time before us, with Captain Richard Sampson, of Fowey. [Sampson was, with 24 other commanders of ships, redeemed in 1721 by Commodore Stewart] . To which Mr. Beaver answered that all I had said was undoubtedly true, for he knew Tom Osborne very well and that he had heard him, several times after his releasement, to talk about me. (p.319)
The Governor, General Sabine sent Pellow two gold Ducats as his charity. “Then I went to church and returned thanks to God Almighty before the congregation for my deliverance and received the charity of several of them” (p.320)
The charity of these Christian-like people extended even to the highest degree; for on my proposal of going thence in a small vessel for Falmouth, they would not by any means suffer it, but that I should wait the opportunity of a ship of force bound home, or of a man-of-war for Lisbon, whither they would send me well recommended to the British Envoy, in order to my being by him sent home to Falmouth in one of the packet boats; which, though I waited there twenty odd days, did not happen.
[22 July, 1738] The day after my landing Captain Pye came ashore…. I humbly entreated that he or some other of his people [crew] would, in case they touched at Falmouth, inform my friends of my happy deliverance and escape; and that I believed I should be sent home by way of Lisbon, so that they might expect me on one of the packet boats; which I found at my coming home, that they were so very good to remember. However. Lest they might not touch at Falmouth, my good friend, Mr. Beaver was so kind to write a very tender letter to his friend at Looe, in Cornwall, to the same purport, and which was conveyed by his friend to y friends in Penryn. (p.321)
During my stay at Gibraltar, I saw Mr. Abramico, the Jew, who I found had more than an ordinary notion with himself of carrying me back with him to Barbary, often threatening me behind my back., as I heard from several people with the most cruel death; …. I thought I should never forgive myself if I did not give him some gentle correction. I, very soon after meeting him in the street, the first salutation I gave him was a hearty box on the ear, seconded by a Cornish tip, which brought him head-foremost to the ground, and beat it against the stones very severely. He took special care to bridle his tongue… and was this shrewd combat in everybody's mouth, as how I had corrected him very justly, and that he deserved a great deal more.
The good ship Euphrates, Captain Peacock commander, from Turkey for London, mounting twenty six guns, came to an anchor in the road. … I was by the captain very well received. (p.322)
…. We met with very high and contrary winds, and according to the season of the year, a very high and troubled sea, though our ship being on all points very well provided (lodgings excepted), I did not much mind it, she being so full between decks, and close-stowed with cotton, that the people had but just room through it to their cabins or hammocks, which mad it so very sultry hot I could by no means bear it. For my better breathing, I generally took up at nights with the boat on the booms, where I lay me down to rest covered with an old sail; and as we had an abundance of wet weather, scarce a night passed without my being sufficiently wetted, and standing more than an even chance of my being washed overboard. … it was my own choice. (p.323)
And now it came to the 24th day of our passage, when I heard called aloud from aloft the very much pleasing and long-expected word “Land” and which proved to be the western Land's End of England, or Cape Cornwall; and the wind favouring to carry us up the Channel, we crowded a great sail, passed by Falmouth, and kept on the same tack till we got off the Bill of Portland; when, on account of one of our people falling overboard, we were obliged to bring to; and on our throwing out some empty kegs and rails of timber, he caught hold of one of them; then we hoisted out our boat, and had him well on board again.
We kept on with this favourable gale to the Downs, passed through, and cast anchor at the Nore, where Captain Peacock found his wife with his brother on board a man-of-war (of which he was commander), waiting his coming. The next tide we got to Gravesend, and the next up the river Thames to Deptford, where our ship was to be disburthened of her cargo, it being the 31st day after our departure from Gibraltar.
I remained on board the ship seven days; during which, on some of the sailors publishing on shore of their bringing me home with them, and it reaching the ears of William Johnston's sister, she came on board to enquire after him, asking me if I had seen him in Barbary. “Seen him, madam!” said I, “yes, yes, to my sorrow; for had I not it would in all likelihood have prevented me of a great many years' grievous captivity.” [long story] (p..324)
I went ashore at Deptford, and going directly to church, returned public thanks to God for my safe arrival in Old England, and received the charity of the minister and parish clerk, staying in the town eight days longer; during which I was very civilly entertained by Mr. William James, a Cornishman, Captain Peacock's steward; and amongst all the vessels bound down the river, finding none bound for Falmouth, I asked my friend. Mr. James, what course I had best steer. He told me my most likely way to get a passage would be to go to Beal's Wharf, a little below London Bridge on the Southwark side of the river, and there I might find one or more of the Cornish tin vessels, or some other bound for Plymouth. So I went directly thither, and soon found, to my very great satisfaction, three tin vessels, and on discoursing the people, I understood the captains were all on the other side of the water and that I might have a further account of them at the King's Head in Pudding Lane, near the Monument. (p.325)
Passing over London Bridge, I soon got to the house [pub], and luckily found one Captain Francis, of Penzance, who was captain of one of them, named the Truro. And after I told him my name, he was extremely civil to me, and readily offered me a passage in his vessel with him down to Cornwall; which I most heartily thanked him for. But, as I found out he could not sail in ten days, I, through the advice of my new acquaintance, went to the Navy Office, praying the Commissioner's' kind introducing me to his Majesty;…. Though all I could get from them at the last was a very extraordinary favour of a hammock on board a man-of-war. (p.326)
I returned to my lodgings in Pudding Lane; where I had not been but a very little time, before a gentleman came in, congratulating me on my being so near to be introduced to his Majesty, and he was soon seconded by several others. I humbly thanked them (as supposing it was only their pleasure to say so by way of merriment), and that I wished it were true.
“No!” said they. “Why, it is actually in the newspapers!”
“Indeed!” said I.
“Yes,” said they, “it is.”
On which the newspaper was directly brought forth, and I read in it the following paragraph, (p.327) viz., “A man is now in town, lately arrived from Gibraltar, in the Euphrates, Captain Peacock, escaping there from Barbary, where he had been a slave twenty-five years, being taken by the Moors in the tenth year of his age, and is to be presented to his Majesty one day this week.”
This I soon found to be one of Mr. Newspaper's truths.
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[Note] The following was printed in
The Sherborne Mercury or Weekly Advertiser
[Numb. 85.] Tuesday October 3, 1738 [Vol.II]
London , September 26.
“A man born in England is come over in the Euphrates, Capt. Peacock, lately arrived from Smyrna [Turkey], who has been in slavery at Barbary for 25 Years, having been taken by them on the Barbary Coast at ten years of age, and accidentally made his escape out of Slavery, and got to Gibraltar, where large collections were made for him for his passage home to England, and this week he will be presented to His Majesty at Kensington.”
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Now is Captain Francis ready to fall down the river.
The first tide we got to Gravesend, and the next to the Nore, and the next over the Flats and into the Downs, and thence with a favourable gale kept sailing until we got off the Start, where the wind taking us right ahead, and blowing very hard, we let go our anchor, and rid it out there two days, when we moved thence, and got that day off Plymouth, and the next, being Sunday, we got about four o'clock in the afternoon safe into Falmouth Pier; whence being to Penryn the place of my nativity, no more than two miles, I got into the town in the evening.
As my father's house was almost quite at the other end of the town - perhaps about half a mile - I was, before I could reach it, more than an hour; for notwithstanding it was almost quite dark, I was so crowded by the inhabitants that I could not pass through them without a great deal of difficulty - though this, I must own, was of a different and far more pleasing nature to me than my first entrance to Mequinez, every one, instead of boxing me and pulling my hair, saluting me, and after a most courteous manner bidding me welcome home, being all very inquisitive with me if I knew them. Which, indeed I did not, for I was so very young at my departure, and my captivity and the long interval of time had made so very great an alteration on both sides, that I did not know my own father and mother, nor they me; and had we happened to meet at any other place without being pre-advised, whereby there might be an expectation or natural instinct interposing, we should no doubt have passed each other, unless my great beard might have induced them to inquire further after me.
Now is the long lost sheep again restored to his owners, and safely returned to his parents, in the town of his nativity, being the 15th day of October, 1738, and the twelfth year of the rein of our Sovereign Lord King George the Second. (pp.328, 329)
To look back is so frightful and amazing, that all must allow that nothing but the Almighty protection of a great good, all-seeing, most-sufficient, and gracious God could have carried me through it or delivered me out of it. Therefore to him be the glory, honour and praise, and may He so order my heart as always to continue a lively remembrance thereof, and so order my ways to live up to His Divine precepts during the remainder of this mortal life, that after all these sufferings ended here, I may be crowned with a glorious immortality in the kingdom of HEAVEN.
~~~~~~ Finis ~~~~~
Extracts from Introduction and NOTES by Dr. Robert Brown, (and related information from the internet)
“As a means of “raising the wind” the escaped seaman sometimes, with the aid of a local schoolmaster, or other literary character, tried to write an account of his adventures, which he hawked about the country, or disposed of by subscription. I have collected upwards of a score of these quaintly written, badly printed, dog-eared, narrow margined narratives.” (Brown, p.34)
“Pellow's little-known work is perhaps the most valuable of these personal narratives. For not only did he travel further than most of his fellows in misfortune, but he lived longer in Morocco. The essential truthfulness of the book was easily demonstrable. Rivers, towns and other localities were mentioned which at the time were not to be found on any map and in no work; while the phonetic spelling showed that the author could not have consulted “Authorities”. Events are noted and men mentioned who, though now familiar, were not celebrated in print for years subsequently. Pellow makes blunders when, had he been inventing a history, he would have insured accuracy by pillaging from early accessible books. (p.35)
To this may be added that the Pellow family are still numerous in and around Penryn and that the people mentioned in the course of the narrative have enabled us to check the statements made by him. If further evidence were needed that Thomas Pellow was a real personage, in the course of his narrative he casually notes that “Captain Russel” had arrived in Morocco, but vouchsafes no other information regarding him. But, in turning to Braithwaite's accounts of Mr. Russel's embassy, we find a confirmatory description of Pellow - or Pilleau, as he spells the name, under date Nov. 27, 1727: To-day were visited in Mequinez by one Pilleau, a young fellow of good family in Cornwall but now tuned Moor, He was taken very young, with Captain Pilleau, his uncle, and being a handsome boy he was given by Muley Ismael to one of his sons. The Christian captives gave this young man a wonderful character, saying he endured enough to have killed seven men, before his master could make him turn. Pilleau being taken very young, spoke the Arabick language as well as the Moors, and having traversed this vast country even to the frontier of guinea, was capable of giving a very good account of it."
Pellow's narrative, written [in 1740] thirteen years subsequent to the date of this interview [above, in 1727] has been neglected by Renou and other commentators on the topography of Morocco… yet, Pellow visited may parts of the country for the first he was, moreover, a soldier under Muley Ismail, Muley Dehebhi, Muley Abdelmalek and Muley Abdallah, and was an eyewitness to most of the sanguinary episodes of their reigns.
The book, of which two editions were “printed by R. Goadby, and sold by W. Owen, Bookseller at Temple Bar, London,” was issued without date in 1740, under the prolix title “The History of the Long Captivity and Adventures of Thomas Pellow, in South Barbary, Giving an account of his being taken by two Sallee Rovers; and being carry'd a slave to Mequinez, at Eleven Years of Age: His various Adventures in that Country for the Space of twenty Three Years: Escape and Return Home.”
[on Piracy]...It was not until 1817 that Suliman agreed to disarm his war vessels, after hearing of the trouble which had befallen Tripoli, Tunis and Algiers and the growing strength of the British in the vicinity of Gibraltar, and, lastly, by the difficulty found in sheltering his pirate fleets in their old haunts, owing to the shoaling up of the river mouths. In 1828 the English established a blockade of the Moroccan coast, in retaliation for damage done by His Shereefan Majesty's corsairs. In 1829, the capture of an Austrian ship led to the bombardment of the ports of Tetuan, Azila and Rabat-Salee. Spain complained of piratical proceedings, outrages which culminated in the Spanish war of 1859-60, “which taught the Moors a well-remembered lesson”
Until 1856, piracy was then largely confined to the wild Riff shore, where inhabitants hardly recognised the authority of the Sultan. It was perilous for a merchant-ship to lie becalmed, especially in the vicinity of Cape “Tres Forcas” about 15 miles to the westward of the Spanish presidio of Melilla, [see map above] from where natives launched their hidden “kareebs.” Thereafter such conduct was confined to vessels which were wrecked, and looked upon as a lawful prize by wild Arabs along the Sus coast.
NOTES:
(pp. 50-53) The twin-town of Rabat-Sallee, perhaps the scene of as much misery as any spot between Agadir and Algiers, is built on the banks of the Guerrou, [ Bou-ragrag] which falls from the mountains of the Zoavais, and divides into two parts. That on the north part is called by the natives Sela [S'la], but by us Sallee. It is encompassed by good walls, about six fathoms [36 ft] high and two yards and a half [7 ft 6 ins] thick, composed of clay, red sand and lime. On the top of the walls are battlements flanked with good towers. The other part of the town which lies on the south side of the river is called Raval, [Arraval, or, Rabat, [34.0N 7.0W] “the side of the river on which the Europeans reside”] and occupies a much larger compass than the former. Within the circumference of this town are abundance of gardens, and a large field, where they might sow corn enough to serve 1,500 men. Its walls are very ancient; the natives say they were built by the first Christians who were brought out of Europe by the generals of Jacob Almanzor, king of Arabia Felix who conquered Spain. On the south-east quarter stands a high tower called Hasans, which serves as a landmark for ships to com in. At the foot of this mountain are docks for building ships, and for them to winter in. The ascent of this hill is so gentle that a man may ride on horseback to the top. “Sallee has two castles. The old stands directly at the mouth of the river Guerrou. Its walls are built on rocks, and very lofty, sheltering the governor's house, which joins to them, from any cannon shot. This castle is very irregular. Within this castle, and before its principal gate, is a high fort, which commands the town. Below, next to the sea, on the point of the rock facing the bar, is a bastion, mounted with five pieces of cannon, to secure the vessels which come in to an anchor in the road, and cover the retreat of the Corsairs, when pursued by the Christians. The new castle is situated on the south-west of the town. It was built by Murly Archy…. There is a communication from one castle to the other by a high wall flanked with two towers, and built upon arches, under which the people pass when they go to walk upon the strand [beach]. There are in this castle twelve pieces of brass cannon. The chief riches of this place consist in its piracies, the Sallee Rovers [the Salletines, or Slani, as they call themselves] being the most expert and daring of any on the Barbary. The town is very well described by Mr. H. C. Browne in the English Illustrated Magazine for February, 1890,,,,, pp.396-402. coast.
(p.53) Mequinez (Maknas of the Moors) “stands about 12 leagues westwards of Fez, a place of small note before the Emperor chose to build his palace there, situated in a delightful plain, having a very serene and clear air.” In those days Jews played a prominent part in the government of Morocco. Many of them were farmers of the customs, Consular agents, or merchants to the Emperor, and they were almost the only interpreters to be had, a fact which those sharp-witted people were not slow to use to their own advantage. Some even had influence around the palace. One of them was this Ben Hattar, or Benatar, treasurer of the court.
(pp.304 A Tartan: A Tartan is a small coasting vessel peculiar to the Mediterranean. It has only one mast and a bowsprit; the principal sail, which is extremely large, is extended by a lateen-yard. This is a long spar used to extend the three-cornered sail upon; it is slung about one quarter from the lower end, which is brought down to the tack, while the upper end is raised in the air at an angle of about 45 degrees. When the wind is aft, a square sail is generally hoisted on the tartan, like a cross-jack. This craft - now [1890] seldom seen - does nor appear to have differed considerably from the felucca so familiar in the Mediterranean. It's ancient name was “targia.” “Can it have come,” Commander Robinson, R.N., suggests, “from Tarhish or Tarragona? I find also that an ancient term for any kind of vessel which carried a cargo, as distinguished from a vessel built for fighting only, was `tarita.'”
(p.308) A Snow: .. as my friend Captain Warren, R.N. was “a brig which set her boom mainsail on a trysail mast, instead of, as in the present way, on the mast itself.”
(p.230) Gibraltar. General Sabine was the 13th governor of Gibraltar, viz., from 1730, when he succeeded General Clayton, to 1739, when General Columbine took his place. In 1738 treachery was abroad, and the fortress had only recently withstood its 13th siege.
Related topics
Anthony and Abraham van Salee were the ancestors of the Vanderbilts, the Whitneys, Jacqueline Kennedy Onassis and Humphrey Bogart.
They were among the earliest arrivals to 17th century New Amsterdam. In a number of documents dating back to this period, they are both described as "mulatto". From what scholars have been able to piece together about their background, they appear to have been the sons of a Dutch seafarer by the name of Jan Jansen who had "turned Turk" and become an admiral in the Moroccan navy. With the Port of Salee as the base from which it harried European shipping, references to the fleet he commanded are salted away in the old English sea shanties that are still sung about the Salee Rovers. The mother of his two sons was probably a concubine he had while trading in this part of the world before his conversion to Islam.
As a result of the antisocial behaviour of his white wife, Anthony van Salee was induced to leave the city precincts of lower Manhattan and move across the river, thus becoming the first settler of Brooklyn. Since Coney Island abutted his property, it was, until sometime in the last century, also referred to as "Turk's Island"; the word, "Turk", being a designation of his which the records used interchangeably with, "mulatto". According to the documentation that people like Professor Leo Hershkowitz of Queens University have sifted through, it would seem that Anthony van Salee never converted to Christianity. His Koran, in fact, was in a descendant's possession until about fifty years ago when, ignorant of its relevance to his family's history, he offered it for sale at auction.
The Van Salee history also includes a more contemporary black collateral branch in the U.S. Anthony's brother Abraham fathered an illegitimate son with an unknown black woman. The son became the progenitor of this side of the family. Although having to face constraints that their "white" cousins could at best only imagine, two of these van Salees nevertheless left their mark in the annals of African American history.
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CAPITAL OF MOROCCO
Morocco's political capital, is also called the "Garden City," for its abundance of green spaces and beautiful landscaping.
It is King Hassan II's main city of residence. The Rabat medina is one of the most easily explored in Morocco, across from the Oudaias Kasbah and gardens. Rabat, named for "rbat el fath" or armed camp, is situated at the mouth of the Bou Regreg River, opposite historic Salé. The Chellah Roman ruins overlook the river, right outside the walled compound of the royal palace or "mechouar."
Salee, a quaint white-walled city located across the river from Rabat, boasts of a turbulent past. In the 16th and 17th centuries, the Salé Rovers, fearsome pirates, found shelter on the banks of the river. [ Courtesy of olive branchtours, see Two day excursion to Meknes and Fes ]
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1806 Bahama Penny Coin "Expel Pirates, Restore Commerce"
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